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Sociology Revision - The Family

The third topic in the Sociology of Families & Households unit concerns sociological perspectives of the family. In this video the...

Sociology of the family - Wikipedia

Sociology the family

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Sociology Of The Family: 01 Changes and Definitions

Buy College Application Essay, Admissions Essay, Essay Prompts, Personal Statement. Louisiana State University and AM College Application Essays That Worked : Successful College Admission Essay Examples. Are you worried about the application essay you have to write to the family, get admission in? Your essay is incredibly important during the What is Abortion it Affect our Society? Essay, admissions process. Sociology The Family. With talented applicants coming from the top high schools in the country as well as the did the have, pressure to succeed, its no wonder that writing college application essays is one of the most stressful times for high schoolers like you. Sociology. Louisiana State University (officially Louisiana State University and culture differences Agricultural and the family Mechanical College, often referred to as LSU) is a public coeducational university located in Baton Rouge, Louisiana. The University was founded in 1853 in what is now known as Pineville, Louisiana, under the name Louisiana State Seminary of Learning #038; Military Academy. The current LSU main campus was dedicated in 1926, consists of more than 250 buildings constructed in the style of Italian Renaissance architect Andrea Palladio, and What it Affect occupies a 650-acre (2.6km?) plateau on sociology the family, the banks of the culture, Mississippi River.LSU is the flagship institution of the Louisiana State University System, and the largest institution of higher education in sociology the family Louisiana in terms of student enrollment. In 2015, the University enrolled over 26,000 undergraduate and over 5,000 graduate students in 14 schools and colleges. Several of LSU#8217;s graduate schools, such as the E.J. Ourso College of maslow's hierarchy Business and the Paul M. Hebert Law Center, have received national recognition in their respective fields of study.

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Economy, comparison, and hierarchy in Dakar. Isma#x00EB;l M OYA , CNRS, Laboratoire d#x2019;ethnologie et de Sociologie Comparative. According to Louis Dumont, comparison is the starting point of any anthropological analysis: an experiment that elicits differences to provide ideas and justify analytical standpoints. The Family! Yet what difference might fuel a comparative experiment in a global African metropolis such as Dakar, the capital of Senegal? I suggest a comparison with the autonomy and primacy of the economic in Euro-America to produce a radical constrast. This text first examines Dumont#x2019;s work on the #x201C;economic#x201D; as a value conflicting with the political in Euro-America. Then it focuses on Dakar, where money and relations are two sides of the same coin.

Following the money trail, it explores Dakar#x2019;s sociality, in which women#x2019;s exchange ceremonies of birth and marriage are more highly valued than the local economy, yet vividly condemned in discourses as a local custom preventing the full realization of economic development and Islam. Confronting these moral contradictions and the primacy of women#x2019;s exchange ceremonies over did the of confederation the economic in Dakar#x2019;s sociality, the sociology, text proposes to distinguish between morality and values and acknowledges women#x2019;s ceremonies as an #x201C;unavowed#x201D; value. It then argues that moral contradictions of this kind mark the contrast between different levels of value and the existence of a hierarchy that articulates incompatible conceptions within the same social formation. Keywords: Senegal, value, hierarchy, money, economy, sociality, ceremonial exchange, Islam. Louis Dumont#x2019;s comparative method is Essay on Tobacco Ads in India: Ethics Case radical and purposely unimaginative.

As Dumont (1991: 8) put it: #x201C;I don#x2019;t have any idea, comparison provides it.#x201D; Dumont#x2019;s perspective is not radical because it drastically intensifies cultural differences, but rather because its epistemology is the family radical: comparison has no a priori object. It is an [152]experiment in which differences are elicited to provide ideas and justify analytical standpoints. I propose in this article that a city such as Dakar, the of human, capital of Senegal, be treated as a challenge for comparative anthropology along the lines of Dumont#x2019;s project. Dakar is a West African metropolis with a population of three million. It is the the family, capital of an Ads in India: Ethics Case Study independent and virtually democratic state, and a place that has seen massive emigration and immigration. It has been a Muslim society for centuries, has been in contact with Europe for nearly five hundred years, and is located in an area that has always been connected with trans-Saharan trade. In other words, Dakar represents an obvious vantage point for a study of globalization, social change, or cultural hybridization. Yet it is not the sociology the family, ideal place for eliciting radical differences. The intertwining of modernity with tradition, of the local with the global, makes it almost impossible to draw a comparison on any given cultural element#x2014;especially the what of confederation, most enticing for those who seeks out difference#x2014;without immediately essentializing it. What kind of difference might fuel a comparative experiment in this context?

In this article, I suggest an answer, famously coined by the family, Bill Clinton: #x201C;It#x2019;s the culture differences, economy, stupid!#x201D; A familiar and problematic category indeed, and not one of sociology most appealing from an exoticist point of view. Let#x2019;s begin by highlighting different ways of enacting comparison. Marcel Detienne#x2019;s book Comparing the incomparable (2008) is a vibrant manifesto for culture a comparative method that roots out differences and denies the irreducible singularity of the things compared. In the second chapter, #x201C;Constructing comparables,#x201D; he gives a vivid description of how he began his comparative enterprise and outlines his method. It all started with stimulating exchanges within a small group of historians and anthropologists gathered around a common question#x2014;namely, #x201C;What is the family a site?#x201D; Then, #x201C;in order to access the teeming variety of modes of territorialization,#x201D; they felt the need #x201C;to select a category, making sure that it was generic enough to allow the beginnings of what powers did the articles have a comparison but neither too general nor too specific to any particular culture#x201D; (ibid.: 25). Sociology! In other words, Detienne#x2019;s comparative method seeks out differences but still relies on a generic question (#x201C;What is a site?#x201D;) that defines the starting point. Comparison requires preexisting comparative categories that are ultimately the maslow's, product of a form of sociology the family eidetic reduction. Of Human! In contrast, Dumont#x2019;s radical comparative perspective doesn#x2019;t start with a generic object or question.

It foregrounds difference as the absolute fulcrum (Dumont 1977: 11) upon which comparison draws exclusively. This is so because, according to Dumont, the meaning of a single feature, however important, can only the family be grasped from its relations with other particular features within a given social formation. #x201C;A particular feature, if taken not in itself but in its concrete position within a system, #x2026; can have a totally different meaning according to the position it occupies. That is to differences say, from a sociological standpoint it is actually different#x201D; (Dumont 1980: 253). One must always take into account the relative value of any element within the sociology the family, configuration to which it belongs. In other words, the hierarchy (i.e., value relations) present in each configuration is essential.

However, there is and the Essay much that is implicit in any configuration and especially its fundamental tenets, that is to say, value relations (Dumont 1977: 19#x2013;20). Thus, the issue with comparison is sociology the family not merely that we cannot avoid [153]#x201C;misunderstanding others#x2019; views,#x201D; but also that we are required to deal with the implicit dimension of both #x201C;their#x201D; views and #x201C;ours.#x201D; According to Dumont (1986: 8), the maslow's hierarchy of human, only way to explore this complexity #x201C;is when comparison shows discord between two different hierarchies.#x201D; Each comparison, thus, can only uncover a partial aspect, and yet evinces necessary but unexpressed relations on which the analysis can draw afterward. Dumont repeated many times that this kind of comparison is sociology the family a recursive and What and How Does, an almost endless process. He has always been very elusive on where and how it should start. In his work, the the family, anthropologist appears somehow compelled by ethnography to rediscover a familiar but problematic notion of our common thought, which provides a comparative perspective (in Dumont#x2019;s case, India elicited hierarchy: ibid.: 7).

Drawing on Dumont#x2019;s work on economy as a value in Euro-America, and my ethnography in Essay on Haida Gwaii: The People Thiaroye-sur-Mer, a Wolof-speaking poor suburb of Dakar, in this article I explore Dakar#x2019;s sociality, in which women#x2019;s ceremonial exchanges are more highly valued than the local economy but unanimously condemned in the name of both economic rationality and Islam. I then develop the argument that comparison can also reveal whether moral contradictions evince a conflict bewteen competing values or eclipse an unavoyed hierarchy. Dumont#x2019;s work was profoundly inspired by Karl Polanyi#x2019;s book The great transformation (1944), and especially by his fundamental thesis on the disembedding of economies from society. According to Dumont, Polanyi demonstrated that the constitution of the economic components of social life in a separate subsystem that subordinates the rest, which took place over the course of the nineteenth century, was an exceptional event in human history. Dumont#x2019;s first comparative work on Euro-America addressed the autonomy and primacy of the economic aspect as a key expression of individualism, and as the triumph of a form of social life marked by the separation and unresolved tension between economics and politics (Dumont 1977). He repeatedly praised The great transformation as an sociology the family anthropological masterpiece (Dumont 1977, 1983, 1986, 1994), and helped bring Polanyi#x2019;s ideas to a French audience. 1 He was also a fierce critic of Polanyi#x2019;s subsequent work (1957) as an economic anthropologist. 2 His criticism revolved around the is Abortion Does our Society?, definition of the word #x201C;economic.#x201D; Polanyi made a famous distinction between two meanings of the term, one formal and the other substantive:

The substantive meaning of economic derives from man#x2019;s dependence for his living upon sociology, nature and his fellows. On Tobacco Ads In Ethics Case! It refers to the interchange with his natural and social environment, in so far as this results in supplying him with the means of material want-satisfaction. The [154]formal meaning of economic derives from the the family, logical character of the means#x2013;ends relationship, as apparent in such words as #x201C;economical#x201D; or #x201C;economizing.#x201D; It refers to powers did the of confederation have a definite situation of choice, namely, that between the different uses of means induced by an insufficiency of those means. (Polanyi 1957: 243) For Polanyi, the formalist definition only applied to market economies, whereas the substantive definition was universal, and thus of use to comparative anthropology. This distinction gave rise to a vigorous debate in the 1960s, which saw two trends in sociology the family economic anthropology (formalist and substantivist) taking opposite sides on how to identify the economic aspect in comparative anthropology (Isaac 2005).

Dumont took an original#x2014;and yet overlooked#x2014;position in is Abortion and How Does it Affect Essay this debate. The Family! He argued that, contra Polanyi, the question of the status of the economy in social formations alone could not lead to an anthropological comparison, because it assumes the empirical existence of #x201C;the economy#x201D; as an external reality present in any given social formation. On the contrary, according to Dumont, the primacy of the economic dimension is not the disembedding of a fundamental domain of social life that is or was already present: #x201C;It should be obvious that there is nothing like an economy out there, unless and until men construct such an object#x201D; (Dumont 1986: 33). Gwaii: The Islands Of The People! Dumont#x2019;s methodological stance is not, however, to disclose an error or a truth regarding the mode of existence of the economy (e.g., Latour and L#x00E9;pinay 2009). From a comparative point a view, the economy is a construct, and not a given on which a plurality of sociology competing definitions 3 may be identified but none is beyond discussion. Instead, according to Dumont (1977: 24), one should start from Polanyi#x2019;s thesis on the primacy of the examples, economic dimension and identify the presupposition on which the object of economics is constructed in the location of this same object in Euro-American social formations. In From Mandeville to Marx , he studied the genesis of economics as an intellectual category distinct from politics.

One of his conclusions was that #x201C;the economic category rests on a value judgment, an implicit hierarchy. It supposes that something else is excluded or subordinated#x201D; (ibid.: 26). Dumont never sought to define economics, or to compare it with something else (such as a cosmology, a religion, or a culture). Instead, he drew on a comparative difference to sociology the family elicit a value: the autonomy and primacy of the what did the have, economic dimension as a peculiar feature of Euro-American social formations. The economic category can be defined not in itself, but as a function of sociology its value relation with other categories, especially the move, described by Polanyi, toward a valueencompassing relation of the What and How Does our Society?, economic over the political (Dumont 1986: 104#x2013;12). Dumont concluded his study of the genesis of sociology economic ideology by hierarchy needs, considering the consequences of the conflicting relation of value between economics and politics. He was perplexed by well-meaning thinkers#x2014;and especially economists such as Keynes#x2014;who proposed that we cease behaving like slaves of the the family, economic process and downgrade the economy to the status of a means for culture achieving #x201C;the real human ends, which are social#x201D; (Dumont 1977: 107). For Dumont, a program such as this would most likely fail, or succeed at the cost of weakening or destroying the individual as a value.

According to him, [155]In such a case, we should likely return to subordination, unless we are able to produce at short notice a consensus bearing a still unseen third path. Sociology! #x201C;The economic#x201D; is a major category of our thought, and constraints inherent to our ideology are such that we are not at liberty to decree that, from now on, it will be downgraded to Essay on Tobacco Ethics Case the rank of a servant. (Dumont 1977: 107) In the second French edition of sociology the family From Mandeville to Marx , Dumont felt the need to introduce a clarification of his views. #x201C;Until further notice, subordination in is Abortion and How Does it Affect its natural form, as a value, is excluded from our ideology. It would therefore only be reintroduced in a shameful, pathological form, that is to say, as oppression#x201D; (Dumont [1977] 1985: 132). Two pages later, he concludes: #x201C;So far, the choice between wealth as an end and forced, pathological, forms of subordination is sociology our fate#x201D; (ibid.: 134). Dumont#x2019;s contention, and especially the culture differences, last conclusion, may appear to sociology be an uncompromising neoliberal view; however, his true position is radically different. This is differences not a claim on the order of facts that would, for sociology example, call into question the legitimacy of or possibility for culture differences a political body to act upon the economy as an external, objective reality.

Rather, it is a warning about the limits and sociology, constraints exerted by value systems on Essay Gwaii: The of the, power, especially on what Dumont called #x201C;artificialism#x201D;: the idea that power or strength of will has an unlimited capacity to the family fully transform the culture, world in accordance with an ideal and therefore to sift the good aspects, which will be kept, from the bad, which will be discarded. The Family! #x201C;Ideology has the power to transform social reality only between certain limits and when we ignore those limits we produce the contrary of what was desired#x201D; (Dumont 1977: 12). Dumont#x2019;s aim was neither to naturalize nor to eradicate power, but to understand its limits. His work is haunted by totalitarianism, and hierarchy of human needs, he repeatedly highlighted the dangers and tragic consequences of the idea that power can transform society rapidly and fundamentally. #x201C;There are other limits to modern artificialism than those ecology has begun to teach us, limits that follow from the social nature of man as thinking being#x201D; (ibid.: 108). For Dumont (1986: 92), artificialism clashes with society as whole, not in the corporate sense of a group that would oppose a resistance to change (brought by another group) in sociology the family the name of Essay on Haida Gwaii: Islands of the People moral principles (Thompson 1971), but as a system of the family values. The question of the economy illustrates particularly vividly the Essay Ads in Ethics Case, limits imposed by a system of values. The autonomy of the economic dimension has tangible consequences, a set of constraints that seem to sociology impose themselves on social formations that politics is not able to fully control. This situation is dramatically illustrated by Gwaii: The Islands People, the consequences of economic and financial globalization in general, especially in recent years, and portrays the predicaments of Western states that are struggling with markets against the family, a background of financial crisis and social turmoil. Differences! However, according to Dumont, the autonomy and the family, primacy of the economic dimension is neither the expression of an objective fact (social formations are subjected to natural #x201C;economic laws#x201D;) nor the result of a power relation between social units and ideas (such as class struggles, the power of finance, or government corruption). Differences! The autonomy and primacy of the economic dimension is a paramount value, which, like any value, can never be fully realized. However, this value includes a [156]claim#x2014;or a tendency#x2014;to move toward a value-encompassing relation over the whole of sociology society, 4 thereby challenging the political. Dumont is also one of the few commentators on Polanyi to explicitly agree with the other major thesis of The great transformation : that the What is Abortion it Affect Essay, emancipation of the economic domain is a major social and ideological fact, but that at the family, an empirical level, economic liberalism combines with its opposite.

This is what Polanyi (1944: 136) calls the #x201C;double movement#x201D;: market societies are constituted by a movement of on Haida Gwaii: Islands of the liberalism to expand the scope of the market, and a countermovement resisting the sociology the family, #x201C;disembedding#x201D; of the economy. Polanyi#x2019;s double movement is a fair illustration of what Joel Robbins refers to as #x201C;hierarchical dynamism#x201D; in his contribution to this issue: a value is never homogeneously dominant; it is always found in combination with other values, in differences this case economy and sociology, political power (Dumont 1994: 8#x2013;9). And How Does It Affect! Dumont (1983: xv) writes in this regard: #x201C;One can observe in the economic field something called otherwise the #x2018;coexistence of opposites.#x2019; It is an empirical coexistence, more or less obscure or shameful, a kind of mixture with no specific formula.#x201D; In sum, Dumont#x2019;s contention, contra Polanyi, is that the economic domain is not a comparative object. However, the autonomy and primacy of the sociology the family, economic dimension as a #x201C;modern Euro-American#x201D; value, conflicting with politics, contains a comparative potential for anthropology, provided that it elicits a difference between social formations. In the comparative experiment that follows, I compare Dumont#x2019;s view of the economy and the limits a value system imposes on artificialism with my ethnography of Dakar. The Euro-American configuration forms the backdrop against which difference in Dakar, or at least certain aspects of it, can be grasped. I will start again by highlighting a contrast. In Euro-America, although everyday life requires money almost constantly, entire sectors of social life function through a minimization or condemnation of the Essay The Islands of the, circulation of money and sociology, the idea of a distinction between intimacy and economy. In Dakar, on the other hand, there is no domain in social life in which money does not play a continuing role. Money is central to the economy as well as matrimonial relations and kinship (from solidarity between relatives to the countless exchanges of cash that take place during family ceremonies), politics (such as through patronage and corruption), or religious practices (Muslim disciples offer cash to culture their religious masters every time they visit them). Thus, everyone seems to be permanently engaged in a quest for sociology what they call #x201C;means#x201D;: that is, money.

However, the and the Essay examples, centrality of money in social life, its penetration into the heart of intimacy, the sociology, constant haggling and is Abortion Does it Affect our Society?, the seeming generalization of the family venality, does not imply that sociality is a global market in which every relation can be bought or sold. Here, we are skirting the debate on the corrosive power of money, which goes back at least to Greek antiquity, and is one of [157]anthropology#x2019;s greatest achievements as a discipline. After intense discussions on on Tobacco Ads in, money, commodity, and social transformation, anthropologists have contradicted Aristotle, Shakespeare, Goethe, and Marx and put an end to this debate (see, e.g., Bloch and Parry 1989; Geschiere 2000; Akin and Robbins 2001). Everyone is now more or less in agreement that the equivalence between monetarization and the family, commodification is an error. Music American! This does not mean that the the family, pervasive presence of money in Dakar#x2019;s social life is harmless and of the, of no consequence: money is the most valuable form of the family relationship, and mediates not only commodity or economic relations, but all social relations. Furthermore, there can be no enduring and culture differences, meaningful relationship if money is not involved at one point or another, especially the more intimate bonds, like those between spouses, or kinship and friendship. In Dakar, no matter what people do and how much they earn, money always seems to be running short. Obviously, it is scarce because most people in the family Dakar are poor and have very low incomes, but there is also a deeper, sociological, reason. The scarcity of money is maslow's hierarchy of human needs combined with two other elements: firstly, because money and social relations are two sides of the same coin, people are constantly engaged in numerous financial relationships, from credit#x2013;debt or business to payments of all kinds during family ceremonies, contributions to prayer groups or local associations, and so on; and, secondly, because of the moral value of solidarity (Marie 1997, 2000), whoever has money must cope with continuing demands from a constantly needy entourage: friends, neighbors, and sociology, especially relatives.

For example, a young man who had found a good wage-paying job at is Abortion and How Does our Society?, the Senegalese National Telecommunications Company (SONATEL) described the #x201C;moral imperative#x201D; of solidarity to the family me as follows: My family owns this house. There was still room in the courtyard when I got the SONATEL job, so I built a bedroom wing and got married. I also bought a small motorcycle to and the Culture Essay examples go to work and the family, move around. It#x2019;s been a year now. I#x2019;m trying to save money with Ahmed, my older brother, and hopefully, if everything goes well, we will be able to afford to connect our house to the water mains. From this point of view, I can#x2019;t complain. American Essay! Here, with a salary, you earn esteem and consideration, that#x2019;s for sure. But in fact, I don#x2019;t have any more money than before, when I was unemployed. Now, almost every day, someone comes here and talks to sociology the family me about one problem or another.

And almost every time, I have to give money to somebody. I#x2019;m not only speaking of Essay my wife here. Relatives, friends, it#x2019;s everyone, every day. This is my main problem. The Family! The problem is that I am bombarded. Anyone who might have some cash, especially a salaried employee, a migrant living abroad, or an culture differences ethnographer, is under permanent and sociology the family, continuous fire from Music and the Culture examples, claims and demands of all kinds from relatives, friends, neighbors, creditors, commercial partners, and so on. In Dakar, people cope with these #x201C;bombardments#x201D; by putting their cash out of reach: liquidity (i.e., cash) is converted in financial relations. Sociology! Some literally put a [158]physical distance between themselves and their money.

For example, one woman opened a bank account on Music and the American Essay examples, the opposite side of sociology the family town. Accessing her savings was expensive because she had to pay the bus fare to go to articles have the bank and return home. Most of the time, however, money is put out of reach by sociology, converting liquidity into mutual debt, especially in rotating savings and credit associations, or #x201C;tontines.#x201D; A tontine is a group of persons, usually women, who gather for a series of meetings. On Tobacco Case! Each member contributes to a collective #x201C;pot,#x201D; which is then given to one member, who is subsequently excluded from receiving the pot in future meetings, while still being obliged to contribute to it. The meeting process is repeated until each member has received the the family, pot. The order in which they do so is decided at the beginning of the process, usually by the leader of the group (the #x201C;mother#x201D; of the tontine). Once money circulates in a tontine, or is lent to someone, or is engaged in any kind of credit relationship, it is Essay The Islands of the People out of reach for a given period of time. In this way, people save money without keeping any cash. There is then no alternative but to turn down those who ask for sociology help, because cash is not available immediately.

Money is thus put out of reach in numerous financial networks. In other words, financial management is based on an #x201C;illiquidity preference#x201D; (Shipton 1990: 16#x2013;19). If liquidity, as Keynes stated ([1936] 1973: 293), is a link between the present and the future, it takes the form here not of maslow's hierarchy of human needs speculative hoarding, but of a network of the family relations. Illiquidity preference also means that money is available to irrigate financial networks. Is Abortion And How It Affect Essay! The velocity of money is sociology extremely high, because no cash is left idle.

People often say that cash burns their fingers: as soon as it is received, it is either spent or converted into a financial relation, as an #x201C;investment,#x201D; as my interlocutors#x2014;and especially women#x2014;often put it. Financial relations form numerous circuits, each of which has a different temporality, which may be from a few days to several years, hence the importance of synchronization of the financial networks. What Does It Affect! Financial networks, which are mostly managed by women, are not simply the financial basis of the local economy; because money is the most valuable form of relation, they are also, and above all, the warp and woof of sociality. The bombardment image and the idea of social or relational investment are used by my interlocutors to describe their financial practices. These are very evocative metaphors for the financial logic at sociology the family, stake, and are quite easy to understand, but they are also profoundly misleading. Hierarchy Of Human! The conversion of liquidity into relations is not a mere financial strategy; it lies at the very foundations of sociality. Illiquidity is the means by which people manage their relations. In a monetarized and pervasive sociality such as Dakar#x2019;s, it is the very condition for action. Agency hinges on the family, two elements: firstly, the conversion of liquidity into financial relationships; and, secondly, the synchronization of financial relations#x2014;that is, the possibility of having access to cash when it is needed. The trouble here is that the temporality of the Music and the examples, various sociofinancial relations in which a person is sociology the family involved is never homogeneous. In Dakar, only on Haida Gwaii: The Islands of the lifecycle ceremonies in which women ostentatiously exchange hundreds of gifts to honor kinship relations can efficiently synchronize financial networks in order to gather large amounts of money, whereas one of the basic propositions of economics is that only markets can synchronize in sociology the family this way.[159]

Hierarchy: Economy and ceremonial exchanges. Financial relations in the local economy are continually being disrupted by What is Abortion and How Does Essay, the illiquidity of debtors. On the supply side, the sociology, illiquidity preference is indeed a means of making savings and thus a way of financing investment, but on the demand side, it is also a significant insolvency factor. Essay Ads In Ethics Case! Furthermore, small businesspeople have to sociology the family cope with the constant claims and problems of their relatives, in what articles of confederation have a context where there is no distinction between the sociology, money allocated to households and American Culture Essay, businesses. In order to sociology maintain their economic activities, people strive to separate commercial circuits from the rest of their sociofinancial relations as clearly as possible, especially to hierarchy needs preserve working capital (Guerin 2003, 2006; Moya forthcoming). In general, people find it very hard to sociology successfully synchronize even a small number of sociofinancial networks at what articles of confederation, the same time in sociology order to maintain or develop their economic activities. Likewise, because solidarity is always a relation between two individuals, even in the case of an unexpected problem such as illness, people can never activate more than a few relations in their search for funds unless they have a wealthy relative who is able to support them (i.e., in differences this context, a migrant or someone earning a salary). On the other hand, ceremonies performed by women for lifecycle events, especially birth and marriage ceremonies, usually mobilize dozens of the sociology, very same financial networks (Moya 2004; Buggenhagen 2012). They often involve more than two hundred people and huge amounts of money. It is not unusual to our Society? see more than one year of an entire household#x2019;s annual income collected in sociology the family just a few days and differences, put into circulation for the family a birth ceremony by one woman in a single evening.

In marriage and Case Study, birth ceremonies, women exchange money and clothes to honor kinship relationships, especially affinity. Sociology The Family! It is impossible to describe the complex logic of the ceremonial exchange system here owing to lack of space, but it might be summarized by Essay Gwaii: The Islands People, saying that the ceremonial gifts among women in sociology the family birth and differences, marriage ceremonies represent the manner by which affinity and the succession of generations are construed as having value, and sociology the family, become operative in the order of social relations (Moya forthcoming). Women#x2019;s exchange ceremonies are the only events that can ensure the synchronization of all of a person#x2019;s sociofinancial relations and what powers did the, their transformation into cash. For example, in each tontine (rotating savings and credit association), the order of recipients is fixed at the beginning of each cycle. Regardless of the the family, purpose of the tontine (savings, business, clothing, or a ceremony), if a participant (and almost all of them are women) is involved in a marriage or birth ceremony, she will be systematically moved to the top of the list, thereby disrupting any expectations the Music and the American Culture Essay, remaining recipients might have, or any calculations they might have made. Every woman involved in a ceremony also brings or sends a gift of money#x2014;called ndawtal#x2014; for the family one of the main actors of the ceremony they have come to support, whether it be a relative, a friend, or a neighbor . Ndawtal are reciprocal solidarity gifts that are clearly conceptually distinguished from ceremonial acts ( teraanga ). Every ndawtal received will require a return of maslow's hierarchy of human twice 5 the sociology, sum given initially. Each [160] ndawtal is recorded in a ledger, which the recipient is supposed to consult (but usually women have a very precise memory of it) prior to the next ceremony (birth or marriage). While people who lend money usually struggle to get it back, no one is ever concerned in maslow's hierarchy the case of sociology ndawtal . A woman will commonly receive dozens of these gifts for a birth ceremony. In other words, unlike solidarity or economic activities, lifecycle ceremonies organized by women activate numerous financial networks simultaneously in order to honor kinship relations through ceremonial gifts, thereby collecting funds that it would be impossible to raise for any other purpose. I carried out a limited survey of 350 individuals that suggests that women#x2019;s ceremonial funding mobilizes nearly one-third of overall savings. The sociofinancial system in Dakar has a peculiar morphology.

There are no boundaries between financial spheres of exchange (Bohannan 1955) comparable to those described by numerous authors, such as Parker Shipton (1989) among the Luo of India: Study Keyna, Sharon Hutchinson (1996) among the Nuer of Sudan, Jean and John Comaroff (1990) among the Tshidi of South Africa, or Viviana Zelizer (1994) in American households in the 1940s (see also Bloch and Parry 1989). In each case, moral boundaries are drawn between financial spheres of sociology the family exchange, which in some cases can be overcome by Music and the Essay, forms of conversion (Guyer 2004). For example, among the Luo of sociology Kenya (Shipton 1989), money obtained from theft, won in a lottery, or gained from the sale of lineage land, gold, tobacco, or cannabis is considered #x201C;bitter#x201D;: that is, dangerous and associated with spirits. It cannot be used for transactions involving kinship relations unless purification ceremonies are performed. In Dakar, there is one single monetary circuit without moral boundaries of any kind, especially when it comes to ceremonial exchanges: the origins of money given at a ceremony to honor a relative are of no concern to culture the recipient and vice versa. Sociology! It very common to maslow's hierarchy use a 500 CFA franc note received at the family, a ceremony for differences the fare back home, or to purchase the the family, next morning#x2019;s breakfast. Some people even repay debts of Essay on Tobacco Ads in Ethics all kinds with money received as bridewealth payments or given by relatives by marriage to honor them at a birth or a marriage ceremony.

Urban sociality is comprised of flows of [161]financial relations activated by individuals. It is not structured by morally bounded spheres of sociology the family exchange. Sociality is hierarchized 6 in terms of culture agency: that is, the capacity to sociology synchronize relations and convert them into cash. In the local financial system, and thus in sociality, economy is subordinated to women#x2019;s ceremonies. This is not to suggest that women#x2019;s exchanges in marriage and birth ceremonies collect more money than anything else: in absolute terms, more money circulates in the economy than in women#x2019;s ceremonies.

Nor is it the case that the entire economy of Dakar is organized through ceremonial exchanges or even relationality. Rather, my argument is that from the point of view of finance and agency, women#x2019;s ceremonial exchanges are valued more highly than economics. When they perform a marriage or birth ceremony, women manage to activate (i.e., to synchronize and convert into Music and the American Essay, cash) all the financial relations they are involved in, whereas this is not possible for economic (or any other) purposes. On the contrary, economic life suffers from the desynchronization of financial relations, and the illiquidity preference generates structural insolvability and a constant disruption of financial temporalities. The hierarchy between the economy and ceremonies in Dakar is meaningful from a comparative perspective: that is, from the point of view of the primacy of the economic dimension in Euro-America. I am not contrasting two distinct types of economies here and assuming that they are somehow comparable (e.g., as a gift economy and a commodity economy). Sociology The Family! My argument rests on maslow's hierarchy of human needs, the placement of two very different economic forms within two different social formations: primacy and the family, autonomy in What is Abortion and How our Society? Essay relation to politics in Euro-America, and sociology, subordination in relation to ceremonies in Dakar. This comparison both elicits and justifies the purpose of an investigation, and in this case the purpose is not women#x2019;s birth and marriage exchange ceremonies as such, but a value: the primacy of these ceremonies in Dakar#x2019;s sociality. Financial hierarchy is a structural fact, but not a matter of American Culture Essay morality: men and women constantly complain about ceremonial expenses, and denounce them as a waste ( yaax ) of money. Sociology! Of course, my interlocutors in Dakar also usually acknowledge that feasting and performing family ceremonies, especially gift exchanges, is prestigious, and Culture Essay, even fun.

Everyone, especially women, has a lot to say when it comes to ceremonies: how they are absurdly costly, yet very pleasant, [162]events ( neex ); how this or that ceremony should be performed; how this or that ceremony has been performed; how this ceremonial gift was carried out, or how this or that praise was offered#x2014;rightly or wrongly; how this (e.g., Muslim rituals) is absolutely mandatory, or that (e.g., bridewealth or ceremonial gifts) is optional; how there are times when one should not skimp on expenses and times when one should not spend too much, and so on. In other words, everyone has an opinion on a number of issues, and each ceremony gives rise to numerous comments. Organizing and attending and spending large sums of money on lifecycle ceremonies is something of an inevitable fact, for the family women in particular, even though everyone also complains about the excessive spending, and condemns these ceremonies as wasteful events. The amount of money mobilized and what did the of confederation have, spent in ceremonies perplexes my interlocutors deeply. For example, a few days after a birth ceremony that she had organized (she spent more than one million CFA francs that day), Sokhna S., a forty-five-year-old woman, said to me: You know, in France, downtown [i.e., Dakar city centre], or even among migrants [the families who receive remittances from sociology, migrants living in places such as France, Italy, Spain, or the culture, United States], one can always find money.

Here it is not good: family ceremonies exhaust everyone, especially the girl#x2019;s mother [the person who organizes marriage and birth ceremonies]. It is so hard for her. But even those who receive a lot, they never manage to keep something at the end of the day. Everybody condemns that. Sociology The Family! Every one of us. Even me. Differences! I disagree with this enormous waste. We could have done business with that money, we could have done development [in French].

I am an activist for development. Ceremonial events ( xew ) #x2026; our husbands, they also moan about them all the time#x2026;. But you know, these are just words. The Family! We only talk. And we do the ceremonies, that#x2019;s all. That#x2019;s what we do here, we do ceremonies, maximum ! [in French, then she laughs] That#x2019;s the way it goes. I will now focus on the nature of this apparent contradiction and the feeling of perplexity that stems from it.

When asked why they need to perform ceremonies, or why so many people and so much money come together on these occasions, my interlocutors#x2019; answer has always been the Does Essay, same: #x201C;It is our aada #x201D; ( su#x00F1;u aada la ). This answer is hard to understand. The word aada comes from sociology the family, Arabic, and is in common use from Does it Affect Essay, Senegal to Indonesia ( aadet ). In Wolof, it means #x201C;custom.#x201D; The term does not convey any idea of tradition in the sense of continuity, repetition over time, or practices inherited from the past, however, whether from sociology the family, ancestors or relatives from a previous generation. Rather, aada means the common, well-established ways of being and doing things. When my interlocutors gave me this answer, it was obviously a way of signifying the have, difference between how they do things such as ceremonies and how they imagine white #x201C;Euro-Americans#x201D; ( tubab ) like me do comparable things. But it has never been a justification based on the family, tradition: in fact, the term aada is and How also often used more or less explicitly to signify a synchronic distinction. People distinguish their own aada from that of sociology others: for example, to compare the Wolof ways of doing things with those peculiar to other regional ethnic groups such as the what powers have, Serer ( seereer ), Tukulor ( haalpulaar#x2019;en ), or Moors ( naar ). Sociology! However, my interlocutors have never been especially concerned with identity claims or the idea of following a tradition inherited from the What and How it Affect Essay, past. Furthermore, the term aada not only signifies an external differentiation (us versus others); it also distinguishes one particular type of institution and practice from another, especially when it comes to the financial dimensions of women#x2019;s ceremonial practices.

There are numerous types of the family costly and ostentatious gifts: mutual exchanges ( joqalante ) based on civility and Music and the Essay, honor; ceremonial gifts that honor relations ( teraanga ) and countergifts ( njukkal ); bridewealth payments ( may bu j#x00EB;kk and warugar ); the various gifts before ( waajtaay ) and sociology the family, during ( yeebi ) ceremonies celebrating the entry of the bride into her husband#x2019;s home; the various gifts before ( ruy ) and during birth ceremonies, especially gifts to honor female husbands ( teral nj#x00EB;kke ) 7 or affinity in general ( teral goro ); gifts before a journey to and from Mecca; offerings to affines during Ramadan ( suukaru koor ); or reciprocal gifts for ceremonial support ( ndawtal ). All of these are thought of as aada because they are ostentatious exchanges that require a considerable amount of money. In other words, aada means female exchange ceremonies in general ( xew ), but above all lavish spending and financial exuberance during ceremonies. And The American Examples! In this sense, the custom ( aada ) designates what seems a priori to sociology the family be its most modern [163]dimension, namely the financial aspect of female ceremonies. Essay Gwaii: Islands People! One of my interlocutors, alternating between French and Wolof, explained to the family me: Awa [in French]: This should be nothing but reasonable mutual aid. But whenever we can, we lapse into Essay on Haida Gwaii: The of the People, folklore.

Islam condemns it. Folklore #x2026; Isma#x00EB;l [in French]: Folklore? What do you mean? Awa [in French and Wolof]: Folklore, you know#x2026;. Sociology The Family! All of this is aada. Here, we put aada everywhere. Here, we go too far at every opportunity. Money matters, clothes, teraanga and the like, this is aada , folklore. Is Abortion! Ceremonies, exuberant expenses, squandering, this is our aada . Custom ( aada ) is also thought of as negative and harmful.

We do not, therefore, find justification of a particular culture in sociology relation to a hegemonic culture comparable to the one Dumont (1994) studied in the case of Germany facing French revolutionary ideas. It is the culture, exact opposite: according to my interlocutors, financial exuberance in birth and marriage ceremonies is not only a local cultural idiosyncrasy but, above all, constitutes a formidable obstacle that inhibits the the family, full realization of universal values: development and Islam. Contradictions: Economic development and Islam. My interlocutors usually say that money spent on ceremonies is #x201C;wasted#x201D; ( yaax ) because otherwise it could be invested in economic activities. The structural adjustment programs imposed on maslow's hierarchy, the Senegalese government by the IMF in the 1980s and 1990s in the wake of the debt crisis and the neoliberal policies of the last two decades have significantly reduced the role of the postcolonial state, partly to the benefit of NGOs. Numerous organizations dedicated to development operate in Dakar. Women are the privileged targets and sociology, recipients of Gwaii: Islands People development assistance funds and microfinance projects. These financial flows irrigate the local financial system, but are of limited effectiveness owing to issues of financial mismanagement that are largely attributable not only to embezzlement but also to sociology the family ceremonial expenditure (Ndione 1992; Guerin 2006). In the last twenty-five years, the Senegalese state (government, municipalities, and powers have, paragovernmental organizations), international agencies, NGOs, and microfinance institutions have dedicated a good deal of energy and resources to advertising good governance and development. A local consequence of this global movement has been the growing importance of ideas of fiscal austerity and control of sociology expenditure. This rhetoric was not limited to the public sphere, to on Haida Gwaii: Islands of the People politicians, religious or community leaders (Buggenhagen 2012: 201#x2013;3); the discourse on sociology, austerity and the NGOs#x2019; rhetoric on development and good governance is echoed by many ordinary people, women as well as men, even in poor suburbs.

My interlocutors denounce ceremonial expenditure as irresponsible and in conflict with what they usually refer to as #x201C;good practice#x201D; or #x201C;good development practices#x201D;: that is, ultimately, economic rationality. In a poor country such as Senegal, economic development means improved living conditions. It is culture a key sociopolitical goal, and also the way most of my [164]interlocutors 8 perceive the future. Development is seen as an event that will result in radical, profound, and positive change. This change, which is still to come, will occur as soon as #x201C;the obstacles to development#x201D; have been overcome, after which economic rationality will prevail, and people will enjoy a better life. Many of these obstacles are attributed to local practices, to ceremonies as well as to corruption or patronage. As emphasized by Jean-Pierre Olivier de Sardan (1999) on the subject of West Africa, the sociology, same moral economy favors both corruption and ceremonial financial exuberance: gifts made as a result of a moral duty (such as solidarity, or thanks for service rendered), the importance of ostentation, redistribution, kinship relations, or interpersonal mutual aid networks. Almost everyone condemns corruption and family ceremonies as vigorously as they put them into practice. On the subject of corruption, Olivier de Sardan (1999: 48) evokes #x201C;the general feeling of helplessness in the face of an infernal mechanism#x201D;; this is comparable to what I have called my interlocutors#x2019; feeling of Does it Affect perplexity.

The problem is identical in the case of women#x2019;s exchange ceremonies: in both instances, particular local institutions prevent full realization of a universal moral ideal (economic rationality and development). The money that should be devoted to economic purposes is embezzled or wasted on lavish ceremonial expenditures. Aada, be it corruption or ceremonies, represents an inevitable obstacle that everyone wants to the family overcome, although no one knows how. Aada in general, and ceremonies in particular, are also contrary to Islam and India: Ethics, condemned in sociology the family its name. On Haida The Islands! Sufi leaders sometimes argue that money spent on ceremonies should instead be used for sociology the family religious purposes, such as zakat 9 (Buggenhagen 2012: 177). Mostly, however, the issue is not so much one of the allocation of funds per se as the fact that women#x2019;s exchange ceremonies are contrary to maslow's needs Islam as an order of value. In the late 1980s, religious leaders#x2014;Sufi as well as reformist#x2014;began issuing negative opinions on sociology, women#x2019;s expenses and clothing during religious celebrations and family gatherings, or even in everyday life. The discussions focused on the veil, of course, 10 but also on Essay on Tobacco Ads in India: Ethics Case, the low-cut necklines of their robes ( boubous ), erotic dances ( sabar ), music, or the practice of appearing in the family public wearing sumptuous clothing and make-up ( sa#x00F1;se ) in family ceremonies (Heath 1992).

The greatest problem, however, has almost always been ostentatious female exchange ceremonies celebrating a birth or a marriage. Reformist Muslims condemn women#x2019;s ceremonies and aada in Music American Essay general as pre-Islamic unholy practices. Sufi leaders are more moderate, but also denounce ostentatious and lavish spending on the same grounds (#x201C;God prohibits squandering#x201D;). Religious leaders do not have a monopoly of discussions such as these, however. My interlocutors also condemn aada and the huge ceremonial expenditure in the name of Islam, but they rarely denounce ceremonial practices as inherently unholy. For the most part, they condemn them because the extravagant spending [165]and ostentatious ceremonial exchanges of gifts contradict the temperance and restraint required of every Muslim. The Family! Ostentatious behavior and have, financial intemperance are viewed as #x00EB;ppal , which means both excess and an excessive desire for the family fame and superiority over others. More broadly, ostentation and financial exuberance in marriage and birth ceremonies are attributed by many men and women, religious leaders and ordinary believers, to maslow's hierarchy custom ( aada ): that is, as a local peculiarity that contradicts the universal principles of the family Islam.

From contradictions to differences hierarchy: Unavowed value. I began this article by quoting vintage Bill Clinton. In a spirit of comparative fairness, I should mention that on the family, October 18, 2014, Macky Sall, the current president of Senegal, made a vivid speech in which denounced #x201C;wastefulness#x201D; ( gaspillage in French) in family ceremonies as a fundamental problem in Senegal. Yet he is hardly the What is Abortion Essay, first. In 1905, in Kaolack, prominent citizens unsuccessfully tried to limit bridewealth payments by creating a price scale (Geismar 1933). Sociology! Over the last hundred years, many religious and political authorities have initiated failed attempts to keep ceremonial expenses under control (e.g. Robin 1947).

In 1950, prominent members of the native community of Dakar ( Lebu ), who were mainly religious leaders, took the initiative to write a code reforming #x201C;custom#x201D; ( aada ) entitled the #x201C;Matrimonial Pact of Essay Islands of the People Dakar#x201D; ( Pacte matrimonial de Dakar ), which included, among other things, capping expenses for marriage, birth ceremonies, and funerals (Anonymous 1951). Soon after this, the colonial administration adopted the code in sociology the Jacquinot Decree of September 14, 1951. A few years after independence (in 1961), a law on ceremonial spending was passed on February 24, 1967 (Law No. 67-04); this law has been included in the Family Code since 1972. It is still in Gwaii: Islands of the effect, even though its lack of effectiveness has never been denied throughout the past five decades. Not a month goes by in Senegal without heated public discussions launched by the family, a prominent politician or religious leader that condemn ceremonial expenditure. In other words, when it comes to ceremonial expenditure, any power, be it religious or political, local or national, takes a stand against Essay on Tobacco Ethics, the harsh protraction of women#x2019;s ceremonial exchanges in sociology marriages and birth ceremonies. In this case, artificialism is directed not toward the transformation of society against the goodwill of individuals but to control of one element of The local social life in order to realize universal values (economic rationality or Islam). The paradox is that everyone, and not only political or religious leaders, 11 agrees that ceremonial expenditures are harmful to the economic and moral wellbeing of individuals and sociology, the future of society in general. Of Confederation Have! But over the last century, the countless condemnations and numerous attempts to ban or control them have had no effect at all.

So far, the situation may seem absolutely paradoxical, unless aada is considered as a sort of mysteriously powerful deus ex machina that pushes everyone to act reprehensibly. Women and men are puzzled by the family, the contradictions at the core [166]of their own social life in the same way, I think, as we #x201C;Euro-Americans#x201D; are affected by the consequences of the autonomy and primacy of the economy, be they financial crises, climate change, or other issues. To follow Dumont#x2019;s ideas, I would argue that this apparent paradox, and the profound sense of perplexity and helplessness shown by my interlocutors in Dakar, is generated by the impossibility of recognizing value as such in the realm of discourse when it comes to women#x2019;s ceremonies. Or, to Essay on Haida Islands of the People put it differently, the the family, paradoxical moral contradictions that result in perplexity on the part of actors facing the limits of artificialism are indicators (for the culture, anthropologist) that values are at stake. These configurations can#x2019;t simply be described as a contradiction between discourse and practice or even as a situation in which people are caught between competing values (cf. Sociology The Family! Joel Robbins#x2019; contribution to maslow's hierarchy needs this issue). Women#x2019;s exchange ceremonies are explicitly condemned in moral terms as #x201C;wastefulness,#x201D; as a local peculiarity ( aada ) that prevents the full realization of Islam and development. Condemnation of sociology the family ceremonies represents the way contradiction is resolved in the realm of moral discourse and Essay on Tobacco India:, justification. My interlocutors condemn ceremonies when they have to sociology justify them. Culture Differences! Yet the sociology, primacy of ceremonies in Dakar#x2019;s sociality suggests that we (anthropologists) nevertheless need to acknowledge that women#x2019;s ceremonies relate to something inescapably valuable, albeit implicit or inarticulate in what did the articles my interlocutors#x2019; discourse#x2014; an unavowed value#x2014;hence their perplexity. This is a fundamental aspect of what Dumont called #x201C;an ideology.#x201D; In my opinion, Dumont#x2019;s formulas on sociology the family, ideology are usually cryptic and mislead a lot of his readers.

However, the originality of his view is to Music and the American Culture Essay claim that since the fundamentals aspect of an ideology are likely to be implicit, only comparison can evince the necessary, yet sometimes unavowed, relations by which the different parts of an ideology hang together (Dumont 1977: 19#x2013;20). The discourse that sets ceremonies and economic development against each other is framed as a moral issue relating to the allocation of (scarce) financial resources: money is wasted on women#x2019;s ceremonies, whereas it should be devoted to economic development. I described above the intimate link between money and the family, sociality. Because the basic principle of sociality (and thus finance) is the culture, preference for the family illiquidity, individuals cannot allocate financial resources according to their moral preferences. Financial resources are elicited from others: the amount of money collected depends almost entirely on differences, the social actors#x2019; opportunity to synchronize relations for a given purpose. Here, moral discourse and the paradigm of choice eclipse value: from a financial point of view, women#x2019;s exchange ceremonies are more highly valued than economics. As to Islam, it is sociology the family not simply opposed to ceremonies as another potential alternative in the allocation of powers articles financial resources; the problem is that ostentatious behavior and financial exuberance in women#x2019;s ceremonies contradict the Muslim morality of temperance and restraint.

Furthermore, the path of sociology Islam 12 ( yoon 13 ) is differences thought to be universal, but above all represents the highest value order, that of absolute submission of the sociology, individual to God. It means abiding by what is on Tobacco Ads in India: Case Study commanded in [167]the divine words revealed in the Qur#x2019;an and the five pillars of Islam, and following the #x201C;highly recommended tradition#x201D; of the family imitation of the Prophet ( sunnah ), which includes lifecycle rituals such as that for a wedding ( takk ) or for naming a newborn ( tuddu ). According to maslow's hierarchy of human all my interlocutors, the rituals recommended by Islam ( takk and the family, tuddu ) are the only ones that need to be carried out when (respectively) a couple is differences married or a baby is born. However, Islam and women#x2019;s exchange ceremonies actually combine in the ritual organization of the lifecycle. On the occasion of a marriage or the the family, birth of a child, particularly a firstborn, a Muslim wedding or a Muslim naming ritual are always followed by costly ceremonies during which women exchange lavish gifts to honor kinship relations. In other words, despite what my interlocutors say (#x201C;the others#x2019; view#x201D;), the recommended rituals of Islam are never enough in themselves. To put it bluntly, ceremonial exchanges among women in powers did the birth and marriage rituals are the manner in which affinity and the succession of generations are construed as having value and become operative in the order of social relations (Moya forthcoming). To sum up, not only sociology should we acknowledge the value of women#x2019;s exchange ceremonies, even though they may be condemned in Music and the American Essay examples the name of Islam and economic rationality, but Islam and the family, women#x2019;s ceremonies belong to two complementary orders of Essay Ethics Study value in sociology a hierarchical relation: on the one hand, that of Islam, which is a universal and transcendent order that defines the relationship between the individual and Essay on Haida The of the, God, without whose blessing ( Baraka ) no action or relationship is possible; and on the other hand, at a subordinate level, the ceremonial agency of women, who operate relations, especially kinship. Women#x2019;s ceremonial exchanges of money and sociology the family, clothing implement, as it were, the relations created (among men) in what did the articles of confederation have Muslim rituals under the auspices of God#x2019;s blessing ( Baraka ), otherwise the relations created in the order of Islam will have no value and no effect as relations. The Family! Although it is not made explicit by social actors, it is a hierarchical relationship in which each element has to India: Study play its part, and the family, which structures the sociality of culture differences Dakar. This configuration is not a mere #x201C;coexistence of sociology the family opposites #x2026; with no specific formula#x201D; between competing values, as in What and How Does it Affect Essay the case of economics and politics in Euro-America. In Dakar, the #x201C;formula#x201D; is a hierarchical one, even though it is not recognized as such by my interlocutors.

In this case, moral contradictions eclipse hierarchy. In other words, the way values relate to each other cannot merely be described as a struggle, that is, a relation of power between them, even if moral contradictions dominate in sociology both cases. From a comparative point of view, in the Euro-American case, economics and politics have been competing since the nineteenth century to fully realize the individual: that is, for the paramount position within an individualistic configuration. It a question of power. In Senegal, on the other hand, Islam and ceremonial exchanges in lifecycle events have been opposed for at least a century, however, individualistic values (Islam and culture, economic development) are superior values that are encompassed in a hierarchical relation. In Senegal, the sociology, issue of ever-rising expenditure in Ethics Study family ceremonies is far from new. The phenomenon has been sufficiently striking that for sociology the family more than a century, [168]religious and political authorities have struggled incessantly (and fruitlessly) to limit them. Ceremonial practices have evolved over time. However, the ethnography of the mid-1970s on the Wolof countryside around Senegal (e.g., Diop 1985; Rabain 1994) suggests that women#x2019;s exchange ceremonies of birth and marriage were far more modest, but already costly, and had a structure that was similar to that observed in Dakar since 2000 (Buggenhagen 2012; Moya forthcoming).

This does not mean that society does not change, or that urbanization has had only a superficial impact: on the contrary, the transformations brought about by the city are far from superficial or meaningless. For example, in Dakar, the urbanization process has almost wiped out the lineage system that was commonly thought of as the Does Essay, basis of kinship and the family, social organization in Islands of the this region. Kinship is nevertheless still essential in Dakar#x2019;s sociality. The role of sociology kinship networks in African cities is Study well known in the organization of residential systems, the urban integration of migrants, solidarity, or economic activities (Houseman 1995). In Dakar, however, kinship is not only a network capital that is mobilized as a resource to sociology the family cope with other issues: on the contrary, every sociofinancial network is is Abortion susceptible to being mobilized to finance women#x2019;s exchange ceremonies. The urban situation did not generate, or even reveal, the #x201C;ceremonial phenomenon#x201D; itself; the transformations induced by the city fueled, and thus shed light on, a trend in Wolof sociality that was probably already there, albeit far less visible. Firstly, in a metropolis of three million inhabitants, the number of possible (financial) relations is extremely high: people can potentially take part in a large number of financial networks of various sizes. Secondly, in Dakar, most women are involved in income-generating activities, and they also manage household finances. Accordingly, the amounts of liquidity managed by women are also very significant.

These two dynamics (more relations and more money) combine with the preference for illiquidity. Sociology The Family! Sociofinancial networks developed exponentially, as did the amounts collected by women for needs birth and marriage ceremonies. 14. The amount of money spent on women#x2019;s ceremonies is in itself an isolated feature. It is not proof of a fundamental difference between social formations. The Family! In Euro-America, marriage and birth ceremonies also generate a great deal of Music and the American Culture examples expense, but in Dakar, money and relations are two sides of the sociology, same coin: the financial system is the Essay on Haida Gwaii: of the People, other side of sociology sociality. India: Ethics Study! In Dakar#x2019;s pervasive sociality, agency hinges on the illiquidity preference and the synchronization of sociofinancial relations, and only lifecycle ceremonies, in sociology the family which women honor kinship relations through ceremonial actions, successfully manage to synchronize all types of financial relations. The primacy of differences ceremonies and the subordinate position of the economic aspect in Dakar#x2019;s sociality elicit an important#x2014;and yet overlooked#x2014;distinction between Senegal and Euro-America.

However, following Dumont, this difference is merely a starting point: it needs to be relativized from within, that is, replaced in a broader configuration. Women#x2019;s exchange ceremonies do not appear to be morally valued: on the contrary, they are explicitly condemned. Sociology! I have suggested that the primacy of women#x2019;s exchange ceremonies over economics in Dakar#x2019;s sociality leads to maslow's hierarchy of human a distinction between morality [169]and values: women#x2019;s ceremonies are an #x201C;unavowed value.#x201D; Moral contradictions of this kind mark the contrast between the various levels of value and, possibly, the existence of a hierarchy that is a configuration in which partially incompatible conceptions not only coexist or impinge on each other, but are articulated within the same social formation. Finally, the sociology, persistence and development of maslow's women#x2019;s ceremonies illustrate how value systems actually limit artificialism, especially when it comes to the family unavowed values. But recognizing hierarchy does not amount to forgoing the will to Essay India: Ethics change, whether it be in regard to lavish spending on women#x2019;s ceremonies in Dakar, the sociology, primacy of the economic dimension in Euro-America, or any other subject. If there is a political stance to be found in Dumont#x2019;s anthropology, it might be that awareness of the culture differences, limitations that values impose on power (individual will or politics) is the very condition for effective action. It is worth noting that, thirty-six years after the first edition of his first book, La Tarasque , Dumont wrote a postscript (#x201C;Late generalization#x201D;) about the persistence of hierarchical relations in individualist social formations.

He concluded with a comment on sociology the family, Gregory Bateson#x2019;s analysis of Alcoholics Anonymous (Bateson 1972: 309#x2013;37). 15 According to Dumont, addiction is an expression of hierarchy in individualist terms, and AA is an example of the Music and the American, limits to and conditions for change. In Dumont#x2019;s terms: The principle is simple: the patient is doomed to fail as long as he feels able to tackle the bottle, which is equivalent to trying to pull oneself up by one#x2019;s bootstraps. The necessary condition for getting out of this vicious circle is for sociology the family the subject to understand that he cannot be defined independently of Music and the American examples his dependency; and that solely the recognition of his self-will, the acceptance of a more comprehensive and powerful addiction, can allow him to escape his torment. (Dumont [1951] 1987: 237) To summarize, according to sociology Dumont, an Ads in Study alcoholic is the family confronted by a seeming paradox: on the basis of his ideals, he believes in his own free will and independence, but empirically he is an addict. And Dumont (1987: 238) concludes that #x201C;the necessary condition of his salvation is the full recognition of his addiction, before resting on Essay Ads in Study, another to overcome the former. If one can generalize, the lesson is harsh for the modern ego.#x201D; Akin, David, and Joel Robbins, eds.

1999. Money and modernity: State and local currencies in contemporary Melanesia . Pittsburgh: University of the family Pittsburgh Press. Bateson, Gregory. 1972. Steps to an ecology of mind . New York: Ballantine. Bloch, Maurice, and Jonathan Parry, eds. 1989. Money and the morality of exchange . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. [170]Bohannan, Paul.

1955. #x201C;Some principles of exchange and Music Culture, investment among the sociology, Tiv.#x201D; American Anthropologist 57 (1): 60#x2013;70. Buggenhagen, Beth. 2012. Muslim families in global Senegal: Money takes care of shame . Does It Affect! Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Comaroff, Jean, and John L. Comaroff. The Family! 1990, #x201C;Goodly beast, beastly goods: Cattle and commodities in India: Case Study a South African context.#x201D; American Ethnologist 17 (2): 195#x2013;216.

Detienne, Marcel. Comparing the incomparable . Stanford: Stanford University Press. Diop, Abdoulaye Bara. The Family! 1985. La famille wolof: Tradition et changement . Paris: Karthala. Dumont, Louis. (1951) 1987. La Tarasque: Essai de description d#x2019;un fait local d#x2019;un point de vue ethnographique . Paris: Gallimard. #x2014;#x2014;#x2014;. 1977.

From Mandeville to maslow's Marx: The genesis and triumph of economic ideology . Chicago: University of Chicago Press. #x2014;#x2014;#x2014;. (1977) 1985. Homo Aequalis I: Gen#x00E8;se et #x00E9;panouissement de l#x2019;id#x00E9;ologie #x00E9;conomique . Paris: Gallimard. #x2014;#x2014;#x2014;. 1980. Homo hierarchicus: The caste system and its implications . Translated by Mark Sainsbury, Louis Dumont, and Basia Gulatit. Chicago: University of the family Chicago Press. #x2014;#x2014;#x2014;. 1983. #x201C;Pr#x00E9;face.#x201D; In La grande transformation: Aux origines politiques et #x00E9;conomiques de notre temps , Karl Polanyi, i#x2013;xx. Paris: Gallimard. #x2014;#x2014;#x2014;.

1986. Essays on individualism: Modern ideology in differences anthropological perspective . Chicago: University of Chicago Press. #x2014;#x2014;#x2014;. Sociology! 1991. Homo #x00E6;qualis II: L#x2019;id#x00E9;ologie allemande: France-Allemagne et retour . Paris: Gallimard.

#x2014;#x2014;#x2014;. 1994. German Ideology: From France to Germany and what powers did the of confederation have, back . Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Geismar, Lucien. 1933. Recueil des coutumes civiles des races au S#x00E9;n#x00E9;gal . Saint-Louis: Imprimerie du Gouvernement. Geschiere, Peter. 2000. #x201C;Money versus kinship: Subversion or consolidation? Contrasting examples from sociology, Africa and maslow's of human needs, the Pacific.#x201D; Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology 1 (1): 54#x2013;78. Guerin, Isabelle. Sociology! 2003.

Femmes et #x00E9;conomie solidaire . Powers Did The Articles Have! Paris: La Decouverte. #x2014;#x2014;#x2014;. 2006. Sociology The Family! #x201C;Women and money: Lessons from Senegal#x201D;, Development and Change 37 (3): 549#x2013;70. Guyer, Jane. 2004. Marginal gains: Monetary transactions in Atlantic Africa . Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Heath, Deborah.

1992. #x201C;Fashion, anti-fashion, and heteroglossia in urban Senegal.#x201D; American Ethnologist 19 (1): 19#x2013;33. Houseman, Michael. Music And The American Examples! 1995. #x201C;Kinship networks in Africa: Past and future#x201D;, African Anthropology 4: 11#x2013;23. Hutchinson, Sharon Elaine. 1996. Nuer dilemmas: Coping with money, war, and the state . Berkeley: University of California Press.

[171]Isaac, Barry. 2005. #x201C;Karl Polanyi.#x201D; In Handbook of economic anthropology , edited by James G. Carrier, 14#x2013;25. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar. Keynes, John Maynard. (1936) 1973. The general theory of employment, interest, and sociology, money . London: Macmillan and Cambridge University Press. Latour, Bruno, and Vincent A. L#x00E9;pinay. 2009. The science of Essay Gwaii: The of the passionate interests: An introduction to Gabriel Tarde#x2019;s economic anthropology . Chicago: Prickly Paradigm Press. Marie, Alain, ed. 1997.

L#x2019;Afrique des individus: Itin#x00E9;raires citadins d#x2019;Afrique contemporaine (Abidjan, Bamako, Dakar, Niamey) . Paris: Karthala. #x2014;#x2014;#x2014;. 2000. #x201C;Individualization strategies among city dwellers in contemporary Africa: Balancing the shortcomings of community solidarity and the individualism of the the family, struggle for survival.#x201D; International Review of Social History 45 (S8): 137#x2013;57. Moya, Isma#x00EB;l. 2004. #x201C;Le brouet c#x00E9;r#x00E9;moniel: Jeu financier ou institution sociale? Thiaroye sur Mer (Dakar, S#x00E9;n#x00E9;gal).#x201D; In Exclusion et liens financiers , edited by Isabelle Guerin and Jean-Michel Servet, 121#x2013;36. Paris: Economica. #x2014;#x2014;#x2014;. Forthcoming. De l#x2019;argent aux valeurs: Economie, genre et islam #x00E0; Dakar . Nanterre: Soci#x00E9;t#x00E9; d#x2019;ethnologie. Ndione, Emmanuel.

1992. Le don et le recours . Music Culture Essay Examples! Dakar: Enda Editions. Olivier de Sardan, Jean-Pierre. 1999. #x201C;A moral economy of sociology corruption in Africa?#x201D; Journal of Modern African Studies 37: 25#x2013;52. Polanyi, Karl. 1944. The great transformation: The political and economic origins of our time , Boston: Beacon Press. #x2014;#x2014;#x2014;. 1957, #x201C;The economy as an instituted process.#x201D; In Trade and markets in the early empires , edited by Karl Polanyi, Conrad M. Arsenberg, and Harry W. Pearson, 243#x2013;70.

New York: Free Press. Rabain, Jacqueline. 1994. Maslow's Of Human! L#x2019;enfant du lignage: Du sevrage #x00E0; la classe d#x2019;#x00E2;ge . Paris: Payot. Robin Jacques. 1947. #x201C;L#x2019;#x00E9;volution du mariage coutumier chez les musulmans du S#x00E9;n#x00E9;gal.#x201D; Africa XVII (3): 192#x2013;201. Shipton, Parker. 1989. Bitter money: Cultural economy and some African meanings of forbidden commodities . Washington, DC: American Anthropological Association.

#x2014;#x2014;#x2014;. Sociology! 1990. #x201C;How Gambians save and what their strategies imply for articles of confederation have international aid.#x201D; Agriculture and Rural Development Department, World Bank, Washington, DC. Thompson, Edward P. 1971. Sociology! #x201C;The moral economy of the English crowd in on Tobacco Ads in India: Ethics Case Study the eighteenth century.#x201D; Past #x0026; Present 50: 76#x2013;136. Zelizer, Viviana A. 1994. Sociology The Family! The social meaning of money: Pin money, paychecks, poor relief and other currencies . On Tobacco Ads In Case Study! New York: Basic Books. Une valeur inavouable: Economie, comparaison, et hi#x00E9;rarchie #x00E0; Dakar. R#x00E9;sum#x00E9; : Toute analyse anthropologique, selon Louis Dumont, a pour point de d#x00E9;part une comparaison: c#x2019;est une exp#x00E9;rimentation qui, suscitant des diff#x00E9;rences, [172]apporte des id#x00E9;es et justifie un point de vue analytique. Sur quelle sorte de diff#x00E9;rence une exp#x00E9;rience comparative peut-elle s#x2019;appuyer dans une m#x00E9;tropole africaine globalis#x00E9;e comme Dakar ? Je sugg#x00E8;re que l#x2019;autonomie et la primaut#x00E9; de l#x2019;#x00E9;conomique en Euro-Am#x00E9;rique peut fournir le point de d#x00E9;part d#x2019;un contraste radical.

Ce texte examine tout d#x2019;abord le travail de Louis Dumont sur l#x2019;#x00E9;conomique comme une valeur en Euro-Am#x00E9;rique en relation au politique. Il porte ensuite sur Dakar, o#x00F9; l#x2019;argent et les relations sont les deux faces de la m#x00EA;me m#x00E9;daille. L#x2019;#x00E9;tude des circuits financiers permet d#x2019;explorer la socialit#x00E9; dakaroise dans laquelle les #x00E9;changes c#x00E9;r#x00E9;moniels entre femmes sont plus valoris#x00E9;s que l#x2019;#x00E9;conomie, tout en #x00E9;tant vivement condamn#x00E9;s comme des pratiques coutumi#x00E8;res emp#x00EA;chant l#x2019;av#x00E8;nement du d#x00E9;veloppement #x00E9;conomique et de l#x2019;islam. En confrontant ces contradictions morales #x00E0; la primaut#x00E9; des c#x00E9;r#x00E9;monies f#x00E9;minines sur l#x2019;#x00E9;conomie, le texte propose de distinguer moralit#x00E9; et valeurs et de reconna#x00EE;tre la valeur #x00AB; inavouable #x00BB; des c#x00E9;r#x00E9;monies f#x00E9;minines. Les contradictions de ce type signalent le contraste entre diff#x00E9;rents niveaux de valeur et l#x2019;existence d#x2019;une hi#x00E9;rarchie qui articule des valeurs contradictoires au sein de la m#x00EA;me soci#x00E9;t#x00E9;. Isma#x00EB;l M OYA is a former economist who converted to social anthropology under the influence of his ongoing fieldwork in a poor suburb neighborhood of Dakar, Senegal. He is Charg#x00E9; de Recherche at the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS, France), and a member of the Laboratoire d#x2019;ethnologie et de Sociologie Comparative (Universit#x00E9; de Nanterre, France). His current research interests includes ritual, gender, social hierarchies, Islamic reformism, and forms of sociology the family representation. CNRS, Laboratoire d#x2019;ethnologie et de Sociologie Comparative, UMR 7186. Maison Arch#x00E9;ologie #x0026; Ethnologie Ren#x00E9;-Ginouv#x00E8;s. 21, All#x00E9;e de l#x2019;universit#x00E9; 92023 Nanterre cedex.

1. Dumont (1983) wrote the what powers articles of confederation have, preface to the French edition of The great transformation . 2. Sociology The Family! The idea of an economic (or a political) anthropology #x201C;does not make sense with respect to the progress of knowledge#x201D; (Dumont 1986: 105). 3. Many of these assume, for that matter, that #x201C;the economy#x201D; is a given. 4. Political economy, according to Polanyi (1944: 116#x2013;35), is the very discovery of the existence of society in What is Abortion and How Does it Affect our Society? the modern sense. Humans are linked by relations of economic interdependence. They form an #x201C;economic society,#x201D; subject to laws that are not human, but natural laws. 5. #x201C;Twice#x201D; meaning giving back the sociology, initial gift and then honoring ( teral ) the Gwaii: Islands, giver for his or her previous gift with an identical one; this is the Wolofs#x2019; concept of reciprocity. 6. In the Dumontian sense that some motives are valued more highly than others (Dumont 1986: 269). 7. In Wolof, a woman calls her husband j#x00EB;kker and his sisters (in a very broad sense; the term for sister being jigeen , which means woman) are called nj#x00EB;kke , or sometimes j#x00EB;kker as well.

Both the husband and his #x201C;sisters#x201D; call the the family, wife #x201C; jabar .#x201D; In other words, a marriage relation is composed of American Culture Essay examples a wife ( jabar ), her husband ( j#x00EB;kker ), and her female husbands ( nj#x00EB;kke ). 8. Those who are not reformist Muslims. 9. Zakat ( sarax in Wolof), the obligatory almsgiving to the poor, is the third pillar of Islam. In Senegal, Sufi brotherhoods collect zakat for sociology the family their charity work (e.g., to help health centers, schools, or the poor). 10. Differences! Most women in Dakar are not veiled. 11. Such leaders are renowned for the huge birth or marriage ceremonies performed in sociology the family their families (except in maslow's hierarchy the case of the still very limited numbers of reformist Muslims, such as Salafis). 12.

Islam has been a major component of Western Sahel societies for more than five hundred years. 13. In Wolof, yoon means both the sociology, way, the Essay Islands of the People, law, justice, and religion. 14. In his contribution to this issue, Andr#x00E9; Iteanu makes a comparable point about how change reinvigorates values that were previously subordinate, dormant, or hidden.

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sample op ed essay THE STANDARDS THAT WILL BE USED. TO EVALUATE YOUR OP-ED PIECE. The Point: Does the opinion piece have a point that is clearly expressed? The Point may be a recommendation for the family, action or it may be to culture differences alert readers to a problem. The author should make a single point well. You, as the reader, should be able to explain the author's message in a sentence or two. 6-7: The opinion piece has an original, well-argued point. The Family? The piece draws the India: Ethics Case reader into sociology the family looking at the topic in a new way or with new insight.

The reader can readily summarize what the author is saying and why. 4-5: The opinion piece makes a point that appears original. Essay On Haida Gwaii: Islands Of The? But the supporting data appear a bit muddled. Readers are left with questions: Why is did the the family author take this position? Why take this position rather than an alternative one? 2-3: The piece leaves readers confused as to what point the author is culture trying to make. The reader cannot readily summarize the author's key point or the data supporting the position seem not to really support it.

1: The paper lacks an identifiable point. Readers are left confused as to what point the author is making and why. Persuasive: Does the piece persuade the reader? A good piece argues effectively for a particular point. Even though the reader may not ultimately agree with the author, the sociology reader comes away from the is Abortion and How it Affect our Society? Essay piece willing to seriously consider the author's perspective. 6-7: A reader comes away from sociology reading the piece feeling the author has effectively argued for a certain point.

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Hook and Structure: Does the opinion piece engage the did the have reader right at sociology the family, the beginning? Is there evidence of did the of confederation thoughtful organization? Does the author summarize the main point at the end? 6-7: The main point is the family effectively stated in What is Abortion and How it Affect our Society? Essay the first few sentences. These first few sentences capture the reader's attention and sociology the family, draw the reader into reading further. The author effectively summarizes the piece's argument in a strong final paragraph. 4-5: Readers are not immediately draw into the argument. But they are not put off by it either. They find the piece reasonable but a little slow moving. It does not keep your attention.

The final paragraph does not offer a powerful restatement of the author's position. 2-3: The piece makes a basic point. But it does not catch your attention. It does draw you in at the beginning nor summarize its message at the end. 1: The author never draws the reader into maslow's of human the opinion piece. It is not clear what the author is saying nor why it is important.

Writing and Clarity: Is the piece readily understandable to non-academic readers? General readers should find the piece easy and interesting to read. There should be few grammatical and spelling errors. 6-7: The writing is clear. The author's own voice and perspective come through in a convincing way. You can identify with the author and the position she or he takes.

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The author is the family pouring at rage with little concern for who is reading the piece. [Source: a combination of Karl Schmids (York University) Instructions for Wring Op-Ed Pieces and Duke Universitys Op-Ed Aritcles: How to Write and Place Them (] TWO GOOD AND ONE POOR EXAMPLE. ONE POOR EXAMPLE: A Gentleman, Yes, But Not Yet a Scholar. The New Untouchables. By Thomas L. Friedman. The New York Times, October 21, 2009.

Last summer I attended a talk by Michelle Rhee, the dynamic chancellor of public schools in Washington. Differences? Just before the sociology the family session began, a man came up, introduced himself as Todd Martin and whispered to me that what Rhee was about to culture speak about our struggling public schools was actually a critical, but unspoken, reason for the Great Recession. As the Harvard University labor expert Lawrence Katz explains it: If you think about the labor market today, the top half of the the family college market, those with the high-end analytical and problem-solving skills who can compete on the world market or game the financial system or deal with new government regulations, have done great. But the bottom half of the top, those engineers and programmers working on more routine tasks and not actively engaged in developing new ideas or recombining existing technologies or thinking about what new customers want, have done poorly. They've been much more exposed to global competitors that make them easily substitutable. The Globe and Mail, August 31, 2009. Moods and fashions in Japan often arrive like tsunamis, typhoons or landslides.

After more than 50 years of Islands People almost uninterrupted power, the ruling Liberal Democratic Party has been buried in a general election. Change came once before, in 1993, when a coalition of opposition parties briefly took power, but the LDP still held on sociology to a majority in the Diet's powerful lower house. Sunday, even that last bastion fell. The world, fixated on China's rise, was slow to pay attention to this seismic shift in the politics of the globe's second-largest economy. Japanese politics has a dull image in the world's press. What And How It Affect Essay? Most editors, when they cover Japan at all, prefer stories about the zaniness of its popular youth culture, or the wilder shores of Japanese sex. The main reason for the family, this is, of course, that Japanese politics was dull, at least since the mid-1950s, when the LDP consolidated its monopoly on power. Only real aficionados could be bothered to what powers of confederation have follow the ups and downs of the ruling party's factional bosses, many of whom were from the family established political families, and most of whom relied on what did the articles of confederation shady financing. Corruption scandals erupted from time to time, but these, too, were usually part of intraparty manoeuvres to sociology rein in those who got too big for their britches.

The system worked in and the American Culture a fashion: Factional bosses took turns as prime minister, palms were greased by sociology various business interests, more or less capable bureaucrats decided on domestic economic policies and the United States took care of Japan's security (and much of its foreign policy). Some thought this system would last forever. Indeed, it has often been said, by Japanese and foreign commentators, that a de facto one-party state suits the Japanese. Stability, based on soft authoritarianism, is the Asian way, now followed by China. Asians don't like the messy contentiousness of parliamentary democracy. Look what happens when Asians are foolish enough to import such a system, as in South Korea or Taiwan, the of the argument goes. Instead of civilized debate, they have filibusters and fisticuffs. But, notwithstanding the sociology occasional bust-ups, Korean and Taiwanese democracies seem remarkably robust. And the culture differences argument that Japanese, or other Asians, are culturally averse to political competition is sociology not historically true.

In fact, Japanese history is full of strife and rebellion, and Japan was the first independent Asian country with a multiparty system. Its early postwar democracy was so unruly, with mass demonstrations, militant trade unions and Ads in India: Case Study, vigorous left-wing parties, that a deliberate attempt was made to impose the boredom of a one-party state. This happened in sociology the family the mid-1950s not for cultural reasons, but entirely because of politics. Like Italy, a close parallel, Japan was a front-line Cold War state. Domestic conservatives, and the U.S. government, worried about a Communist takeover. So a large conservative coalition party (much like the Italian Christian Democrats), funded to some degree by Washington, was put in on Haida Islands of the People place to marginalize all left-wing opposition.

This involved some strong-arm tactics, especially against the unions, but it worked mostly because the middle class settled for an informal deal: increased prosperity in exchange for political acquiescence. The LDP state was based on the promise, given by prime minister Ikeda Hayato in 1960, that family incomes would soon be doubled. Increasingly marginalized, the the family opposition dwindled into an impotent force, mere window-dressing to a one-party state. But one-party rule breeds complacency, corruption and political sclerosis. In the maslow's hierarchy past decade or so, the sociology LDP as well as the what powers did the of confederation once-almighty bureaucracy that ran the system began to look incompetent. Prime minister Junichiro Koizumi gave the party a last breath of life by promising reform in 2001, but it wasn't enough. The patience of Japan's middle class finally cracked.

The victorious Democratic Party of Japan may not immediately set off any political fireworks. Sociology The Family? Its leader, Yukio Hatoyama, is an uncharismatic scion of yet another established dynasty his grandfather, Ichiro Hatoyama, took over what powers articles of confederation as prime minister in 1954 from Shigeru Yoshida, who was the grandfather of the the family last LDP prime minister Taro Aso. The DPJ's aims are excellent: more authority to elected politicians, less bureaucratic meddling, less dependence on Essay The Islands of the the United States, better relations with Asian neighbours, more power to voters and less to sociology the family big business. Whether Mr. Hatoyama and his colleagues have the wherewithal to achieve these aims is an differences open question, but it would be wrong to belittle the sociology the family importance of what has happened. Even if the DPJ fails to maslow's implement most of the family its reforms in short order, the fact that Japanese voters opted for What Does it Affect our Society? Essay, change will invigorate their country's democracy. Even if the sociology system were to become like Japan's democracy in Essay on Tobacco Study the 1920s, with two more or less conservative parties, this would still be preferable to sociology a one-party state. Any opposition is maslow's needs better than none.

It keeps the government on its toes. A firm rejection of the the family one-party state will also reverberate far beyond Japan's borders. It shows clearly that the desire for political choice is not confined to a few fortunate countries in maslow's hierarchy the West. This is a vital lesson, especially at a time when China's economic success is convincing too many leaders that citizens, especially but not only in Asia, want to be treated like children. Poor Example: A Gentleman, Yes, But Not Yet a Scholar. by A. B. Stoddard. Aren't you just dying to know what Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.) is saying about his friends in sociology the family high places at culture differences, Arizona State University? And has the gossip mill targeted the exact people responsible for deciding President Obama was worthy of a commencement invitation but no honorary degree?

It doesn't matter if we ever learn their names you know who you are and sociology, you should be laughing at yourselves! I can't imagine how that meeting went. Needs? Let's invite the president of the United States a new president, an immensely popular president, the first African-American president to sociology the family be our speaker. Wait, he hasn't really spent enough time in his field to earn the degree typically conferred upon Essay Ads in India: Ethics, each speaker at sociology, graduation. But he's so appealing, we'll invite him anyway.

It's our practice to recognize an individual for and the Culture Essay examples, his body of work, somebody who's been in their position for a long time, Sharon Keeler, an ASU spokeswoman, told The Associated Press at the time. His body of work is yet to come. That's why we're not recognizing him with a degree at the beginning of the family his presidency. Apparently the nationwide shock was more than ASU could stand, because on Sunday they suddenly announced the creation of a Barack Obama scholarship program. But there was no acknowledgment of error or faux pas, just bewilderment at the confusion created by the media. When in doubt, blame the media (it works for Sarah Palin).

University President Michael Crow said despite the view that Obama was being denied something bestowed upon Erma Bombeck, It has always been our intention to what did the of confederation have recognize and honor President Obama's accomplishments during his visit. He added, I apologize for the confusion surrounding our invitation to President Obama to address ASU students at commencement. We all know Obama couldn't care less about the the family degree, he's just happy for the speaking engagement in a swing state he is what did the articles of confederation have just itching to win in 2012. And from now on some kids will be tickled to become Barack Obama scholars. Everybody wins except for those oh-so-selective big cheeses at ASU who thought it was a good idea to the family keep a president out of an exclusive club.

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50 Inspiring Resume Designs: And What You Can Learn From Them. Sociology The Family. Your resume or CV may be one of the hierarchy of human most important projects you ever design. It can make or break job applications, open doors to new careers, make a great (or dismal) first impression. When you send out your resume, youre really sending out a piece of sociology yourself. So make sure its representing you to your best advantage.

Just like how you dress your best for an interview, its important to give your resume the same treatment to make sure its polished and culture differences presentable. The 50 resume designs below span a wide range of styles, from strictly businesslike to sociology the family ultra creative browse through them to get some ideas for updating your own resume. Designing your own is easy with our wide collection of beautiful resume templates. Click the image to see more resume templates. Starting off your resume strong with a bold header, like in this design by Shed Labs for maslow's of human, Loft Resumes, draws attention to your name and sociology the family makes it more memorable. What Is Abortion And How Our Society? Essay. You can also include a few keywords or descriptors under your name that sum up who you are as a candidate.

This chessboard-style layout is certainly striking, giving each category its own distinct space. But Mikha Makhouls resume is still somewhat subdued thanks to the simple black-and-white color scheme; it doesnt sacrifice professionalism for visual interest. Some well-placed shadows can make your resume pop, literally giving it a 3D appearance and creating the illusion of depth. Errol Veloso explains how he chose the colors of his design purposefully: blue to symbolize his creative side and the family red to symbolize his analytic side. Try using shapes and frames for emphasis.

You can experiment with geometric shapes (circles, squares, rectangles), ribbons, or solid or dashed lines. Here, Michael Long frames his name and his role to help them stand out. A cohesive color scheme of cool blues and on Haida Gwaii: The Islands of the minty hues gives this information-packed, infographic-style resume by sociology, Joseph Acena a visual theme and an orderly, coordinated look. Using a horizontal orientation (instead of the traditional vertical format) immediately gives your resume an edge in terms of attracting attention. Other strong points of differences this design by Justin Schueler include a balanced, un-crowded layout and sociology plenty of negative space.

There seems to be a trend, at least in industries where you can take some risks with your resume, to forget the stuffy business lingo and show that theres a human behind the piece of paper. Using a more conversational tone, as David Elgena has done with his Hello, nice to meet you. Culture. Heres a little about me header at the top of this resume, may help you create rapport with the person whos reviewing your application before you even meet them. This resume by Kyle Robertson features a custom crest with Kyles name and a catchy tagline. Creating a distinctive personal brand or style for yourself (such as a personal logo, a color scheme, a nice selection of fonts, etc.) gives your work an extra sheen of professionalism (and an opportunity to show off your abilities).

Plus, once you put the sociology the family work in, this brand is something you can use over Music and the American Culture Essay and over sociology the family again on letterhead, business cards, social media profiles, you name it. Maslow's Hierarchy Of Human Needs. For a unique take on traditional resume colors, try light text on a dark background, as Abdullah Al Mamun has done here. Just make sure that your font is weighty enough to be easily readable and not get lost against the background. This clean resume by Patrick Rogan uses a bright splash of color and whittles down the information to only the sociology basics (skills and Music American Essay past positions). Icons in the skills section provide a visual reference that still complements the the family simplistic style. On Haida Gwaii: The Islands People. Printing your resume on textured paper can give an impression of quality, craftsmanship, or luxury.

If a color other than white seems inappropriate for your industry, try a white or cream-colored paper with a slight texture for sociology the family, an ultra-professional, upscale look. This example by S.N. Ads In Ethics. Carter, printed on a recycled or kraft-style paper, gives the sociology the family resume a custom, hand-printed feel. When applying for Essay on Haida Gwaii: The Islands of the, a position where a more creative approach isnt appropriate, its always a safe bet to opt for sociology the family, a simple, text-based resume with clean fonts. Here, Frank Schamhart has embellished his resume slightly with minimal use of an accent color and a small personal portrait. Have. If youre after a job in the arts or some other highly visual industry, make your resume a mini portfolio like illustrator Rianti Hidayat has done here. Sociology The Family. Bradley Brooks keeps his resume businesslike with a classic black-and-white color scheme, but livens things up with a modular layout and a personal logo. Infographic-style resumes have become popular, and they can be effective when done well. But they should be more than a collection of What is Abortion and How our Society? pretty pictures; the sociology images should, at culture a glance, tell something about you and sociology the family complement or enhance the Essay Gwaii: of the People text, like in this resume design by Rachel Winter. If youre seeking work in an industry where appearance is the family, important, or the job has asked you to and the Essay include a portrait, try integrating it into your resume. It doesnt have to sociology be the center of Music examples attention, though you can make it a bit more subtle by using a small picture or placing it behind a colored screen, like in Egotypes resume template.

Mailing out some resumes? Make opening yours up a memorable experience, like Amber Van Mieghem has done with this clever folding resume. Wishing you could infuse a little creativity into the family your plain, corporate resume? Try a monogram with your initials, like Bill Mawhinney has done for this resume template. It adds a little style while still keeping the overall presentation very businesslike. You can use the culture differences same graphic on your cover letter to give your application a polished, pulled-together look. If you have some creative leeway in creating your resume, using a non-rectangular shape will be sure to attract attention, like John Mujicas round resume does here. Sociology The Family. If you do format your resume in any unusual shape, just make sure all the text is Ads in Study, readable. Youve only got one name. Sociology The Family. Make it memorable. If its unique, highlight it.

Make it big and What bold, like Fredrik Andresen did on his resume. Give the hiring manager something to zero in the family, on. Your font choices can change the culture differences whole character of your resume. For instance, the rounded fonts with soft edges that Louis Omari has used for his resume have a more casual, friendly feel than sharper, serif fonts might have. Need to sociology show your qualifications on the run? Post your resume online and make it mobile-friendly, like Julien Renvoye has done. You can include your resume on your personal website or even post it to networking platforms like LinkedIn. Use blocks of color and/or lines to separate different sections of your resume, give it structure, and make it easy to What is Abortion and How it Affect Essay navigate visually. This template from Beautiful Resumes features vibrant colors, but you could just as easily get the sociology same effect with a more subtle color scheme. If youre going the infographic route, think of effective ways that you can use different types of Essay on Tobacco India: Case graphs to sociology the family represent your skills, experience, or background, like Martin Suster did here.

Organizing your resume with columns, like this three-column layout Anton Yermolov used, keeps the information tidy, creates clear divisions between sections, and helps you keep everything sharply aligned. Use a sidebar in your resume to call attention to extra (or extra important) information that you want to highlight. Here, Ola Hamdy used a colored sidebar to culture separate her personal and contact information from her educational and professional details. Although this resume design is sociology the family, text-heavy, Gershom Charig mixes things up with a two-color scheme and a word cloud to creatively represent the What and How our Society? breadth of his skills and experience. Similar in function to the family the word cloud above, various sizes of circles represent Silviu Schiaus proficiency in on Tobacco Ads in India: Study, various areas, such as management and design. The size of the circles corresponds with his amount of experience a fresh way to illustrate core competencies. Give the the family person looking at your resume an excuse to differences find out sociology more about What is Abortion Does it Affect our Society? Essay you. Including a link to your website or portfolio (or even a QR code, as Krysten Newby has done here) acts as a good prompt. If your job history includes working for big companies with recognizable logos, feature them on your resume. Tamas Leb has included space to do so on this resume template, and it makes an impressive statement, even at a glance.

For creative resumes, a theme can give you a starting point to build a one-of-a-kind design and the family think about innovative ways to present your information. Here, Peter Kistemans laboratory theme makes a strong visual statement and gives his artistic background a scientific, experimental dimension. Hierarchy Of Human. Putting your resume in the family, a folder or other kind of holder gives you more space to culture showcase your experience and accomplishments, plus the the family extra tactile feature makes it memorable, as with this design from S1M. The vertical timeline on the outside offers an immediate visual representation of the candidates career history. This traditional black, white, and gray design by and the, Brice Seraphin brightens up quite nicely with some turquoise as an accent. This can be done with any color (and you may want to tone it down depending on your industry), but vibrant hues have particular impact.

Besides being another nice example of the family using an accent color, this design by Adam Rozmus keeps things clean and simple, showing that resumes dont have to be fancy to make a good impression. If competition is stiff, try standing out with a resume package that gives you some space to demonstrate your abilities, develop a personal brand, and include more information than the Essay Ads in Study limited area of a one-page resume allows for. Sociology The Family. Here, Sabrae Precure uses a distinct color scheme and custom illustrations to stand out from the crowd. And The American Culture Examples. This resume by Gabriel Valdivia combines a traditional format (the typical positions, dates, and short descriptions) with pictorial elements that provide a more personal touch. Sociology The Family. As if to say that a normal paper resume just wont cut it, Alison Root got clever with her resume presentation, which demonstrates that she thinks outside the box. This sample resume from Culture Essay examples, Rahul Chakraborty features bold typography and bright colors for a high-impact look that will make people take notice. There may be times when its ok to let your sense of humor shine through in your resume; it makes you more relatable, more likable.

For instance, check out the pronunciation guide Nick Iannuccilli provided for his difficult last name. Using a border is a good way to add a little bit of color to your resume, as Evelien Callens has done here, without worrying about looking unprofessional. Stylistically, this design is a good compromise between customary and more creative resumes. The two-color, mostly traditional layout uses graphic elements sparingly but purposefully. As a nice touch, Dan Hernandez has branded his cover letter with the same style, which is a smart idea if your job application involves submitting multiple documents. Sometimes you have to do what you can to get noticed. For an illustrator like Lucia Paul, hand-drawing her resume is sociology the family, both appropriate for her industry and gives her a standout way to display her skills. Big, bold typography, a high-contrast color scheme, and a well-organized presentation all combine to make sure Joao Andrades resume gets looked at.

No long-winded explanations of job roles here. Just the essentials enough to Essay on Haida The Islands People get someone interested in the family, wanting to know more about Gianina Santiago and her background. Culture. Clean, sans-serif fonts, relatively little text, and lots of white space give Maxat Malbekovs resume a sleek look thats easy to achieve if you condense your resume down to only the most relevant information. If you have a lot of sociology information you need to fit on one page, take a tip from this design by Essay on Haida Islands of the People, Halle Rasco and sociology use easy-to-read fonts and clear headings for each section. Need to keep your resume fairly conservative? A two-column layout with a businesslike blue-gray accent color gives this otherwise traditional resume from What Does our Society?, ResumeBaker some extra interest. Syril Bobadillas illustrations are whimsical and the family kid-friendly, and her resume reflects that style.

Notice how she also created matching business cards for on Tobacco India:, a cohesive personal brand. Even if your industry doesnt allow as much creative expression as someone in the arts, you can express your personality in more subtle ways, like through font choices or an accent color. Resumes dont always have to read from sociology the family, left to right, top to bottom. You can play with the did the of confederation have layout of your resume to make the the family best and most visually interesting use of the space you have available, like Milena Filipova has done here. You can use a grid structure to organize your resume and make it easier to culture differences navigate, similarly to how Orlando Silva designed this template. If applicable, you might also try including some pieces from the family, your portfolio right on the resume (so your abilities are on display at is Abortion it Affect first glance). As you can see from the examples above, there are many approaches you can take to sociology designing your resume. But no matter what style or format you choose, there are a few things you want to on Tobacco Ads in Case Study make sure to get right: Readable text Industry-appropriate style (if unsure, play it safe with a conservative design.) Updated and sociology accurate information No spelling/grammar errors. Now it#8217;s your turn.

Put these skills into action! Bring great design to your entire workplace. Janie is a freelance writer and graphic designer and did the have the owner of sociology Design Artistree Creative Studio. After college, she built on her background in art to hierarchy of human needs explore design. and the family loved it. Now, she enjoys finding ways to combine the craftsmanship of and the American Culture examples traditional fine arts with the sociology digital possibilities of graphic design. Design The Perfect Google+ Banner Image With Tips And E. 50 Unique and Engaging About Us Pages to Inspire You.

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CV template collection - 121 free templates in Microsoft Word format. Are you revamping your CV? Make sure you use a high quality CV template to give your CV a professional look. On this page, you'll find 121 of our most popular CV templates in Word format for you to download and sociology, use without charge, for differences, your own personal use. Although every CV template we offer is created in Word, you can use any Microsoft Word compatible software package to open them up and edit them. Sociology? You'll also find plenty of what did the guidance on how to sociology the family write your CV. Timeline CV template in Microsoft Word. Creative black and white CV template. Customising your choice of CV template. Quick CV templates customisation tips. If youre using a Word CV template that youve downloaded from the Internet make sure you remove any unnecessary branding that the website have added in.

To edit headers and footers (where branding is usually put in), you can usually just double click them in Music American examples, Word. Your choice of CV template from sociology the family our collection will have a simple link at the end that youll need to remove from the bottom of the Essay Case, file. Include only necessary information. Make sure youre putting the right things into sociology, your choice of Word CV template and and How our Society?, dont overload your CV template with unnecessary information and waffle itll make it harder for sociology the family, HR to find what they really want to What it Affect Essay see. Sociology? Use the headings provided to guide you and as a rule of thumb, keep your CV under 2 pages. To get it right, check out our free guide on How to write a CV below. Make sure you customise each CV that you send out to the role youre applying for, highlighting where you have the required skills and education mentioned in the job ad, and reiterating this in your covering letter.

This makes you look like you are more suited to the role than candidates who submit a generic CV. Be cautious about the personal information you offer. For example, does your prospective employer really need to culture differences know that youre married with 3 kids, or youre 50? This type of sociology the family information might say to your employer that you have a lot of out-of-work commitments that might get in the way of the job, or that you might not be as in touch with the latest developments in your area of expertise as somebody younger. What Is Abortion And How Does Our Society? Essay? Itd be lovely to think that people dont exercise any of their prejudices and view all CVs without any discrimination but the sociology, fact is, were only human. And How It Affect? The aim of the sociology the family, game is to get your foot in the door and secure an interview, giving you the chance to impress them in Essay on Tobacco Ethics Case, person. The Family? So dont give them any reason to reject you at Essay Gwaii: of the, CV stage. When youre choosing from our collection of CV templates, avoid excessive distracting design elements, fancy colours and elaborate fonts for the majority of sociology jobs the above Word CV templates towards the top of the page all have a simple, clean layout without any of these unprofessional elements. For creative jobs, you will see that we have graphical CV templates that are more appropriate as they show your creative flair and catch attention. Check the requirements of applying for the job carefully messing up on small details like applying to the right person, getting their name right, and including the information theyve asked for in your application, can be the difference between getting the needs, interview and seeing your CV end up in their bin. In a time where candidates with degrees are ten a penny, experience has never been more important.

Show that you have the right experience for the family, the particular vacancy youre applying for. Short of work experience for on Haida The Islands, your CV? Read our article on work experience and skills. Ensure your CV includes adequate ways for prospective employers to contact you. If you have a current job, consider that they may call you while you are at work so it is a good idea to provide an sociology email address and to state (preferred) next to it. If you do offer your mobile phone number, make sure your voicemail is activated in case they call when you cannot answer.

Above all, dont forget to spell check your CV, read it out loud and get someone to read over your CV for you. Trivial mistakes could cost you that life-changing interview. Once youve chosen your favourite CV template from our collection and downloaded it, you might want to hierarchy of human needs customise it and paste in sociology the family, information from is Abortion your existing CV or other documents. Here are some quick tips to help: When youre copying and pasting text into your CV from some other document, always use Paste special. Youll find this at the top left corner of the Home tab in sociology, Microsoft Word 2010. Choose the Music Culture examples, unformatted text option this ensures that what youre pasting ends up in the same font as your chosen CV template.

To add a page border to the family your CV in did the, Microsoft Word 2010, go to the family the Page layout tab and click the Page borders button. You can then choose the What is Abortion Essay, style of your border from the list (tip: keep it simple!) and click on the four sides to apply it to the four sides of your document. Sociology The Family? Another option is to add a thicker coloured band down one side which adds a little interest to your CV. To do this, change the line-width to Essay on Haida Gwaii: Islands of the People e.g. 6pt, change the colour to your chosen colour and click the left hand side of the diagram, to apply to the left side of the document: If youd like to see how to do this on video, check out sociology, our resume templates page. Your curriculum vitae, or CV, provides potential employers with an Essay on Tobacco India: Ethics Study overview of your experience and qualifications, as well as giving them some clues as to the type of sociology person you are and as to maslow's whether youd fit into their organisation. Your CV is the sociology, first impression a potential employer has of culture differences you so its important to make it neat and accurate, as well as to sell yourself in the best way possible.

Every time you send out a CV, prune it so that it meets the requirements of the job youre applying for as closely as possible, and ensure your covering letter sets out sociology the family, exactly HOW you meet those requirements, even if its evident from the CV itself. Combined, your CV and covering letter need to demonstrate that you have: the motivation for Music and the American Culture, the role; the ability to adapt to the family and share your employers vision and ethos; and maslow's hierarchy of human, the skills and competence relevant to the job. Hiring new staff is costly in sociology the family, terms of advertising, time spent and training, so employers also gravitate towards candidates who look like good long-term prospects. Unless youre applying for differences, a creative role (and so can justify a little artistic license), your prospective employer will be looking for a neatly presented, accurate CV that follows a traditional format so that they can find the sociology the family, information that theyre looking for differences, quickly; and not something that looks like a GCSE art project. Sociology The Family? When youre choosing from and How your CV template from our collection, dont use too many colours and the family, ensure fonts are easy to What and How it Affect our Society? read a little flair is sociology the family acceptable but simple and clean is the on Tobacco Ads in Case Study, best approach. Theres no hard and the family, fast rule as to what a CV should contain but you should consider including the following sections:

Name and personal / contact information Title/summary and objective Work experience Qualifications Professional memberships / accreditation / honours / awards Skills Languages Interests and hobbies References and availability. Our example CV section above contains the expected contents for different professions. Well look at the previously mentioned CV sections in turn. Name and maslow's, personal contact information. This should include: Name including title e.g. Mr John Smith Address Phone number(s) Email address Driving licence if you have one (full, clean, if thats the sociology, case) Some people include their date of birth here. Age really isnt relevant at all to whether youre suitable for a job, unless there is What and How Does our Society? Essay some specific requirement to sociology the family the role youre applying for, so there is no reason to Essay on Tobacco Ads in include it.

Similarly, theres no need to sociology include your marital status. Since your prospective employer likely has many hundreds of CVs to review, use a title to catch their eye and tell them that youre exactly what theyre looking for, by reference to maslow's hierarchy of human the elements of the job description that you meet. Example of a title/summary one line: Solicitor with 4 years PQE (post qualification experience) Customer Service Representative with 5 years experience History Graduate with extensive work experience. Example of an objective expand on who you are and include what you want: I am a solicitor with 4 years PQE at sociology, a busy East Midlands Law Firm. I currently have a varied heavy caseload of private client work, dealing mainly with residential property and probate as well as some family law cases. I am relocating to Birmingham and looking for a similar role with a partnership opportunity in the near future.

For more help with writing a great summary, read the first section of our article: 4 super easy ways to make your CV stand out . Usually this goes before your education. Differences? However, if youve only just graduated, unless youve clocked up a few years of relevant experience along the way, switch these sections around so that education comes first and work experience second. For each item in this section, detail: Job Title Company Name and Location Dates of the family Employment Very brief intro to company Description of your responsibilities Key achievements. Offer more detail for India: Ethics Case, your latest and/or most significant role and try to tailor what you include to the job youre applying for. Keep what you write factual and ensure your achievements are accurate, verifiable and specific. If you were responsible for supervising and/or training other people, detail this, and to what degree.

Sometimes its helpful to say why you want to the family leave your current role, or why you did leave, but only if its a neutral reason such as relocating or redundancy. Never, ever critisise your employers on your CV and take great care about what you say about them at interviews you may give your prospective employer the impression that youre a difficult or grumbling employee. If youve not stayed in any role for long, you may want to explain to your prospective employer why, if theres a good reason such as that the roles were all temporary/contract positions. If youre short of work experience, make sure youve included: Part-time work Temporary work Volunteer work Freelance work Experience gained through related hobbies Relevant school projects, internships and extracurricular activities Teaching (for example, graduates helping undergraduates) The above can be great ways of Essay Islands People demonstrating to employers that youre ready for sociology, the role so get involved while youre job hunting.

Read our guide to work experience and Music Culture, also consider volunteering. Sociology The Family? You can find excellent volunteering opportunities on the Do it website: For each entry, include: Course and grade achieved Institution/awarding body and location Year completed. Start with the most relevant first (such as those requested in did the articles of confederation have, the job advert) or if none are especially relevant, the sociology the family, most recent first. If applicable, you may also wish to include any training you have completed in your current or previous positions under a new heading of Essay on Haida of the training. This might include, for example, short courses in sociology the family, popular software like MS Word and Excel. Professional memberships / accreditation / honours / awards.

This is fairly self explanatory the place to put any relevant professional memberships or awards, such as Microsoft Certified Engineer or Certified Scrum Master. Under skills, detail any particular skills that are relevant to the job followed by any skills that may be of interest to your employer. After each skill, state your skill level. It Affect Our Society? Essay? Here are some examples: Use of sociology the family common software such as Microsoft Word, Excel, Powerpoint, Access and maslow's hierarchy, so on. Use of specialist software such as familiarity with Photoshop, Dreamweaver, Illustrator and sociology, so on. Technical skills such as the ability to what did the of confederation have code in sociology the family, a particular language like PHP. Culture Differences? Typing skills with speed, including oral typing if youve done this before. Admin / secretarial skills such as shorthand, book keeping etc. Ensure anything on sociology the family this list is maslow's specific and sociology, highly relevant to the job.

Avoid fluffy statements. Music And The? A good way of the family listing soft skills is to state how you acquired them with reference to specific projects or experience. On Tobacco India:? For example, My work as a volunteer for sociology the family, Oxfam, organising convoys to remote parts of the World, has developed my skills in and the Culture Essay, establishing cooperation between diverse groups. Focus particularly on any skills mentioned in the job advert. Sociology The Family? Here are some soft skills you may be able to find evidence for: Communication (verbal, non-verbal, written, and interpersonal) Presentation (demeanour, appearance, the way you engage with others) Facilitation (coordination, resolution) Creativity and innovation Interviewing Selling (goods, services, ideas, talents, organisational change) Influence/persuasion Teamwork Management and leadership make sure you know the difference.

Very briefly, management is often about setting direction and strategy whereas leadership is about communicating, inspiring and driving people forward. American Essay? Handling difficult people and the family, situations Networking (online and offline) Negotiation Organising and powers did the of confederation have, multitasking Mentoring/coaching again make sure you appreciate the difference. The Family? Learning. Include any languages you speak and to what level of fluency. And The American Culture Essay? If you have any specific qualifications or experience in relation to sociology the family these, it may be worth mentioning here. This should be a brief summary of your favourite out-of-work activities. This section helps your employer guage how well youll fit in to an existing team but be very cautious about what you write here leave off going to the pub socialising seeing friends and anything else that makes you sound like a party animal, but equally, leave off your model train, stamp and coin collection for and the Culture Essay, now.

Mention any sports or fitness acivities you take part in as this will help your employer see that you take an interest in sociology the family, your wellbeing healthy employees are better than unhealthy ones! Need more guidance on what to include in the interests section? Try this article from The Guardian: Interests and differences, hobbies. Offer two references, giving their name, job title and contact info. Its usual to list your current employer as one of your references but its perfectly acceptable to write references available on request if you havent yet discussed your plans to the family move on with your current employer. The other reference should be someone professional such as a former tutor or business contact who has worked with you on examples a project. There are things you should NEVER include in your CV.

Here are some of sociology them: Cliches: Throwaway comments such as able to communicate at all levels, can work to tight deadlines able to Essay on Tobacco Ads in Case Study work alone or part of a team are just irritating fluff if theyre not supported by examples and sociology, evidence. Of course you can speak to people and meet your deadlines you might as well just write employable! Writing in the third person: Unless youre Richard Branson or the like, youre probably going to maslow's needs be writing your own CV. Dont be tempted to write it as if someone else did. Its annoying and ever so slightly pretentious. Photos: Unless appearance is in some way relevant to the family the job, dont include a picture.

How you look has nothing to do with how well you can do the job and you give people an Ads in India: Ethics Case Study opportunity to exercise their prejudices, rightly or wrongly. Now youve customised your CV template, run a spell check on your finished CV and get a couple of people to look over it for you. Its easy to miss little errors when youve been working on the family something for a long time but they suggest to your prospective employer a lack of attention to detail. We hope you found our collection of it Affect our Society? Essay CV templates useful. We also recommend these websites which offer more help with preparing your CV and landing your dream job: London School of sociology the family Economics and Political Science a great list of CV and cover letter related resources that will be extremely useful when customising your CV template with your information. Duke University well laid out CV resources, CV examples and careers related information from Duke University.

Timeline CV template in Microsoft Word. Creative black and white CV template. Bulleted detail Microsoft Word CV or Resume template. Centred headings CV/Resume template. Helvetica Blue Layout Word CV template. Colour blocks creative CV template. Pharmacist CV/resume template example. Sales representative CV/resume example.

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Black and white two column CV template. Orange and blue creative CV template. Light purple creative CV template. Garamond CV template with classic border. Garamond CV template with grey headers. CV template with grey border #038; two columns. Simple CV template (alternative version) Social worker resume example / template.

Retail sales CV/resume template/example. Physiotherapist resume template example. Medical technologist CV/resume example. Pop in your email address and powers did the, we'll (occasionally) let you know when we have new stuff to share. No spam - we promise!

#x000A9; 2017 · How to sociology write a CV - free Word CV templates, resume templates, guides and resources.